Teshub was the Hurrian weather god, as well as the head of the Hurrian pantheon. The etymology of his name is uncertain, though it is agreed it can be classified as linguistically Hurrian. Both phonetic and logographic writings are attested. As a deity associated with the weather, Teshub could be portrayed both as destructive and protective. Individual weather phenomena, including winds, lightning, thunder and rain, could be described as his weapons. He was also believed to enable the growth of vegetation and create rivers and springs. His high position in Hurrian religion reflected the widespread importance of weather gods in northern Mesopotamia and nearby areas, where in contrast with the south agriculture relied primarily on rainfall rather than irrigation. It was believed that his authority extended to both mortal and other gods, both on earth and in heaven. However, the sea and the underworld were not under his control. Depictions of Teshub are rare, though it is agreed he was typically portrayed as an armed, bearded figure, sometimes holding a bundle of lightning. One such example is known from Yazılıkaya. In some cases, he was depicted driving in a chariot drawn by two sacred bulls.
According to Song of Emergence, Teshub was born from the split skull of Kumarbi after he bit off the genitals of Anu during a conflict over kingship. This tradition is also referenced in other sources, including a hymn from Aleppo and a Luwian inscription. A single isolated reference to the moon god Kušuḫ being his father instead is also known. In individual texts various deities could be referred to as his siblings, including Šauška, Tašmišu and Aranzaḫ. His wife was Ḫepat, a goddess originally worshipped in Aleppo at some point incorporated into the Hurrian pantheon. Their children were Šarruma, Allanzu and Kunzišalli. Other deities believed to belong to the court of Teshub included Tenu, Pentikalli, the bulls Šeri and Ḫurri and the mountain gods Namni and Ḫazzi. Members of his entourage were typically enumerated in so-called kaluti [de], Hurrian offering lists. God lists indicate that Teshub could be recognized as the equivalent of other weather gods worshipped in Mesopotamia and further west in Syria, including Adad and Ugaritic Baal. In Anatolia he also influenced Hittite Tarḫunna and Luwian Tarḫunz, though all of these gods were also worshipped separately from each other.
The worship of Teshub is first attested in the Ur III period, with the early evidence including Hurrian theophoric names and in a royal inscription from Urkesh. Later sources indicate that his main cult center was the city of Kumme, which has not yet been located with certainty. His other major sacred city was Arrapha, the capital of an eponymous kingdom located in the proximity of modern Kirkuk in Iraq. Both of these cities were regarded as religious centers of supraregional significance, and a number of references to Mesopotamian rulers occasionally sending offerings to them are known. In the Mitanni empire, the main site associated with him was Kaḫat in northern Syria. In Kizzuwatna in southeastern Turkey he was worshipped in Kummanni. Furthermore, due to Hurrian cultural influence he came to be viewed as the weather god of Aleppo [de]. He was also worshipped in many other Hurrian cities, and in the second half of the second millennium BCE he was the deity most commonly invoked in Hurrian theophoric names, with numerous examples identified in texts from Nuzi. He is also attested as a commonly worshipped deity in the Ugaritic texts, which indicate that Hurrian and local elements were interconnected in the religious practice of this city. Additionally, he was incorporated into Hittite religion and Luwian religion. His hypostasis associated with Aleppo attained particular importance in this context.
Multiple Hurrian myths focused on Teshub are known. Most of them are preserved in Hittite translations, though the events described in them reflect Hurrian, rather than Hittite, theology. Many of them focus on Teshub's rise to the position of the king of the gods and his conflict with Kumarbi and his allies, such as the sea monster Ḫedammu, the stone giant Ullikummi or the personified sea. These texts are conventionally referred to as the Kumarbi Cycle, though it has been pointed out that Teshub is effectively the main character in all of them, leading to occasional renaming proposals. Teshub is also a major character in the Song of Release, whose plot focuses on his efforts to secure the liberation of the inhabitants of Igingalliš from Ebla. Two of the preserved passages additionally deal with his meetings with Ishara, the tutelary goddess of the latter city, and Allani, the queen of the underworld. Interpretation of the narrative as a whole and its individual episodes remain matters of scholarly debate. Additional references to him have been identified in a number of literary texts focused on human heroes, including the tale of Appu and the Hurrian adaptation of the Epic of Gilgamesh.
Name
Multiple romanizations of the name Teshub are in use in Assyriological and Hittitological literature, including Teššub,1 Tešub,2 Teššob3 and Teššop.4 The transcription of the voiceless sibilants is a modern convention which reflects the common cuneiform spellings of the name, but writings with not only š, but also s and ṯ are all attested in various scripts.5 Texts from Nuzi record multiple syllabic spellings, including the most common te-šub, as well as te-šu-ub, te-eš-šub and te-eš-šu-ub, and rare te9-šub, te-eš15-šu-ub and te-su-ub, the last of which is only attested once in the entire corpus.6 Additional shortened forms, such as Te, Tē, Teya or Tēya, were used in the writing of theophoric names.7 It has been suggested that their development can be compared to the possible derivation of the hypocoristic suffixes še and šeya from the word šēna, “brother”.8 In names from Alalakh it was rendered as te-eš-šu-ub.9 In Mitanni letters it is written as dte-eš-šu-ub-bá-.10 This form seemingly reflects the pronunciation /Teššob/.11 Attestations of uncommon variants with the suffix -a are limited to theophoric names from various sites.12 In the Ugaritic alphabetic script the name was consistently rendered as tṯb (𐎚𐎘𐎁), with only a single attestation of a different variant, tṯp (𐎚𐎘𐎔).13 Dennis Pardee vocalizes this form of the name as Teṯṯub.14 Multiple variants occur in the texts from the same city written in standard syllabic cuneiform, for example te-šab, te-šub, dIŠKUR-ub and d10-ub.15 In Luwian hieroglyphs, the name could be rendered as ti-su-pi (Yazılıkaya) or DEUSFORTIS-su-pa-sa (Tell Ahmar), with an additional shortened form, TONITRUS-pa-sá/ti-sa-pa, Tispa or Tisapa, attested in theophoric names from Carchemish.16
The precise etymology of Teshub's name is unknown, but it is assumed it has Hurrian origin.17 Volkert Haas suggested it was derived from the adjective teššai, which he translates as “high” or “lordly”.18 However, Daniel Schwemer [de] points out that this proposal does not provide an explanation of the suffix, and that teššai is not an actually attested word.19 Marie Claude Trémouille notes that while a connection with the term tešš-, attested as an equivalent of the Sumerian title ugula (“overseer”), has been suggested, the evidence remains unconvincing. 20
Logographic writings
In addition to phonetic syllabic spellings, Teshub's name could be represented in cuneiform by the sumerogram dIŠKUR.21 The same sign could also be read as /im/, “wind” or “storm”.22 Therefore, the sumerogram is sometimes rendered as dIM in Assyriological literature, though the transcription dIŠKUR is considered preferable.23 The use of logograms of Sumerian and Akkadian origin to represent the names of various deities was widespread across the ancient Near East.24 dIŠKUR is first documented as the representation of the name of a different weather god than Ishkur in the case of Adad in pre-Sargonic texts from Mari, though this scribal convention was unknown further west, in Ebla, in the same period.2526 In some cases it is uncertain which deity was represented by dIŠKUR, for example a theophoric name from Alalakh, a-RI-dIŠKUR, might invoke either Teshub or Adad.27 The identity of the weather god worshipped in Nuzi and other nearby cities is also ambiguous in some cases due to use of logograms and the presence of speakers of both Hurrian and Akkadian in the area.28 It has been noted that speakers of Semitic languages and Hurrians might have in some cases read the logogram differently.29 While in theophoric names it is generally advised to render it according to the linguistic affinity of the other component, the existence of unusual bilingual hybrid names have been noted, one example being Ikūn-Teššub.30
A further attested logographic writing of Teshub's name is d10,31 though it started to be used later than dIŠKUR.32 This logogram is sometimes rendered as dU in modern literature due to the cuneiform sign having both of these values depending on context.33 However, Marie Claude Trémouille argues this transcription is erroneous in this case.34 The use of this numeral to render the names of weather gods is first documented for Adad in the fifteenth century BCE.35 This convention might have originated in Northern Mesopotamia or in Syria, but Daniel Schwemer argues that it also cannot be ruled out it was a Babylonian tradition in origin, and that at the very least it must have developed as an addition to the well attested system of using other numerals to represent Mesopotamian theonyms (30 for Sin, 20 for Shamash).36
Two logograms were used to refer to Teshub in hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, DEUSL.318 and DEUSFORTIS; they differ from the default weather god logogram in this writing system, DEUSTONITRUS.37
Confirmed and disputed cognates
It is agreed that Teshub's name is a cognate of the Urartian theonym Teišeba.3839 This god is only attested in sources from the first millennium BCE.40 Urartian and Hurrian belonged to the same language family as Hurro-Urartian languages, but they already separated in the third millennium BCE, and Teišeba's presence in the Urartian pantheon cannot be considered the result of the language descending from Hurrian.41 In contrast with Teshub's status in Hurrian religion, he was not the head of the pantheon, but rather the second most important god after Ḫaldi, though according to Daniel Schwemer this should be considered a secondary development.42
It has also been proposed that a connection existed between the names of Teshub and Tishpak,4344 a Mesopotamian god regarded as the city deity of Eshnunna.45 This hypothesis was originally formulated by Thorkild Jacobsen in 1932, but by the 1960s he had abandoned it himself, and instead started to advocate interpreting Tishpak's name as a derivative of Akkadian šapāku, to be translated as “the down-pouring one”.46 However, this etymology is not regarded as plausible today.47 More recently, support for the view that Tishpak might have been related to Teshub has been voiced by Alfonso Archi, who suggests the Mesopotamian god developed through reception of the Hurrian one in the Diyala area.48 Manfred Krebernik [de] instead classifies the name of Tishpak as Elamite.49 Marten Stol also tentatively describes it as such.50 Daniel Schwemer states that there is presently no evidence confirming the identification of Teshub and Tishpak as related deities.51
Character
The two primary roles assigned to Teshub in Hurrian religion were those of a weather god and of the king of the gods.52 He was regarded both as a destructive figure and as a protector of mankind.53 He controlled thunder and lightning.54 In myths, various weather phenomena, including storms, lightning, rain and wind, function as his weapons.55 He was responsible for securing the growth of vegetation by sending rain.56 As an extension of his link with vegetation and agriculture, he could be connected with rivers.57 A Hurro-Hittite ritual (CTH 776) refers to him as the creator of rivers and springs.58
The high status of weather gods in Upper Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia reflected the historical reliance on rainfall in agriculture.59 In contrast, in southern Mesopotamia, where it depended chiefly on irrigation, the weather god (Ishkur/Adad) was a figure of comparatively smaller significance.60 Teshub's royal authority was believed to extend to both gods and mortals.61 According to Hurrian tradition his domain included both the heavens and the earth, but the sea and the underworld were areas hostile to him.62 He was accordingly referred to as the “lord of heaven and earth” (EN AN ú KI).63 This epithet might be derived from a Syrian tradition.64 The two most common titles applied to him were ewri, “lord”, and šarri, “king”.65 The context in which the term ewri was used was different from that of šarri, as the former referred to ordinary historical rulers as well, while the latter was limited to the sphere of myth.66 Further related epithets of Teshub include šarri talawoži, “great king”67 and šarri ennāže, “king of the gods”.68 It is also known that one of the ceremonies in honor of him revolved around the concept of šarrašši, “kingship”.69 A single text refers to him as eni ennāže, “god of the gods”.70
Piotr Taracha [de] argues that Teshub was initially not the head of the Hurrian pantheon, and only reached this position as a part of what he understands as a broader phenomenon of growing prominence of weather gods in the early second millennium BCE.7172 Gernot Wilhelm [de] similarly considers it a possibility that he acquired this role in the beginning of the second millennium BCE.73 However, Daniel Schwemer [de] argues that Teshub's status as the supreme deity of the Hurrian pantheon belonged to him since the dawn of recorded history, and arguments on the contrary lack solid proof.74 He points out that the small number of early theophoric names invoking him cannot be necessarily used as evidence, as other major Hurrian deities, such as Šauška or Kumarbi, are not attested in the early Hurrian onomasticon at all, and non-theophoric names predominate.7576 Support for Schwemer's views has been voiced by Alfonso Archi.7778
Iconography
Depictions of Teshub are rare.79 The identification of individual weather gods in the art of the ancient Near East is considered difficult, and according to Albert Dietz in many cases is outright impossible.80 It has been suggested that Teshub was typically depicted dressed in a short skirt and pointed shoes, sometimes standing on a bull, mountains or mountain gods.81 According to Volkert Haas, in glyptic art from Nuzi, he is depicted holding a three-pronged lightning bolt and a curved sword.82 Textual sources indicate he was believed to travel in a chariot drawn by two bulls.83 A second animal associated with him might have been the eagle.84
In Hittite art, all weather gods, among them Teshub, were depicted similarly, with long hair and beard, dressed in conical headdress decorated with horns, a kilt and shoes with upturned toe area, and with a mace either resting on the shoulder or held in a smiting position.85 In the Yazılıkaya sanctuary, Teshub is portrayed holding a three-pronged lightning bolt86 in his hand and standing on two mountains,87 possibly to be identified as Namni and Ḫazzi.88 He is also depicted on a Neo-Hittite relief from Malatya, where he rides in his chariot drawn with bulls and is armed with a triple lightning bolt.89
Frans Wiggermann assumes that some depictions of a weather god accompanied by a naked goddess might represent Teshub and an unidentified deity, rather than Mesopotamian Adad and Shala.90
A distinct iconography is attested for the weather god of Aleppo [de], who could be identified as Teshub.91 His attribute was an eagle-shaped chariot.92 It has been suggested that its form was meant to reflect the belief that this vehicle was as fast as the bird it was patterned after and its ability to travel across the sky.93
Associations with other deities
Family and court
Teshub was regarded as the son of Anu and Kumarbi.94 The former was a deity received from Mesopotamia, and outside of being the father of Teshub did not play a major role in Hurrian religion.95 The circumstances of the weather god's birth are known from the Song of Emergence, which relays how Kumarbi bit off the genitals of Anu during a battle over kingship in heaven, and how his skull had to be split to let his son out.96 A Hurrian hymn (KUB 47.78) also alludes to the events known from this myth, referring to Anu as Teshub's father and Kumarbi as his mother:
You are the strong one, which I (praise), the bull calf of Anu! You are the strong one, which I (praise), your father Anu begot you, your mother Kumarbi brought you to life. For the city of Aleppo I summon him, Teššop, for the pure throne.97
A single text, KUB 33,89+, preserves a different tradition about Teshub's parentage and refers to the moon god Kušuḫ as his father, but this attestation remains isolated and its broader implications are uncertain.98 The passage is entirely logographic (dU DUMU d30), and in the past it has been interpreted as a possible reference to a Hattian tradition instead, with the weather god being Taru and the moon god Kašku, but according to Jörg Klinger [de] this interpretation is not plausible.99
The Song of Emergence also states that Tašmišu and Aranzaḫ (the river Tigris) were born alongside Teshub.100 According to Piotr Taracha [de] the former was specifically regarded as his twin.101 He also functioned as his divine “vizier” (sukkal).102 The latter role could also be attributed to Tenu, a god who might have originated in the local tradition of Aleppo.103 A further deity counted among Teshub's siblings was his sister Šauška.104 In the Song of dLAMMA, she addresses him as her younger brother.105 However, Daniel Schwemer argues that she might have originally been regarded as his spouse.106 In myths, she is often portrayed assisting Teshub in battle.107 Beate Pongrats-Leisten argues that Teshub and Šauška, who she treats as interchangeable with Mesopotamian Adad and Ishtar, were already paired in the early Hurrian inscription of Tish-atal, with the goddess Belat-Nagar who occurs in it according to her representing a local hypostasis of Šauška.108 However, the theory that the tutelary goddess of Nagar was a form of Šauška or Ishtar has been critically evaluated by Joan Goodnick Westenholz, who remarked that these goddesses did not have anything in common with them beyond also being imagined as female figures.109110
Ḫepat was regarded as Teshub's wife.111 She was received by the Hurrians from the local pantheon of Aleppo.112 It is possible that she and Teshub were already paired with each other in Old Babylonian Mari, as indicated by one of the letters sent to king Zimri-Lim.113 Its sender states in it that she will pray before a weather god designated by the Sumerogram dIŠKUR and Ḫepat for the king (ARM 10.92, lines 22–23).114 Ḫepat was already regarded as the spouse of the local weather god, originally known as Hadda, in the third millennium BCE.115 She was chiefly worshipped in northern Syria, especially in Aleppo and Alalakh, though the area associated with her also encompassed southern Anatolia and the middle Euphrates.116 It has been suggested that the recognition of the connection between her and Teshub was limited to western Hurrian communities.117 However, the Mitanni royal family was familiar with her as well, as evidenced by her presence in theophoric names of some of its members, which might indicate she was also recognized as Teshub's wife further east.118 Despite the connection between her and Teshub, Ḫepat was not referred to with a feminine equivalent of his title, šarri, and her corresponding epithet was allai, “lady”, instead.119 The deities regarded as their children were Šarruma, Allanzu and Kunzišalli.120 The first of these three could be referred to as the “bull-calf of Teshub”, though according to Gernot Wilhelm the familial connection between them should be considered a relatively late development.121
Pentikalli (Belet-ekallim), a Mesopotamian goddess at some point incorporated into the Hurrian pantheon, could be designated as a “concubine” of Teshub (na-šar-ti-ya ŠA dIM).122 Offering lists in some cases mention a solar disk (šapši ḫišammi) dedicated to her.123 In Hurrian context she could be linked to Pithanu.124 Volkert Haas, who rendered this theonym as Bitḫanu, translated this name from Akkadian as “the Hanaean125 daughter”, and suggested that she was a deified epithet of Belet-ekallim.126 Both of them appear in a Hittite list of offerings to Teshub of Aleppo.127 Pithanu is also mentioned in the text KUB 45.28+39.97(+), which states that “down at Teššub’s throne sits Pithanu”.128 According to Haas, it should be considered a description of the arrangement of statues of deities.129
While it has been argued that Ishara might have been the partner (parhedra [de]) of Teshub130 in Old Babylonian Ebla, as well as in Emar and Alalakh, no evidence supporting this proposal has been identified.131
Teshub's chariot was pulled by two bulls, Šeri and Ḫurri.132 Šeri was believed to mediate between humans and his master, while no distinct role is attested for Ḫurri.133 In the Song of Ullikummi, he is replaced by Tilla, but this theonym is better attested as the name of a fully independent god popular in Nuzi.134 According to Daniel Schwemer, the latter was typically not associated with Teshub, and there is no evidence he was imagined as a bull in the areas where his worship is best attested.135 Two further deities belonging to the circle of Teshub, in offering lists often placed after his bulls, were Namni and Ḫazzi.136 These mountain gods might have been worshipped alongside him in Aleppo, though no direct evidence in favor of this view exists.137 The association between mountain gods and weather gods has a long history across Syria and Anatolia, and might be first documented in a text from Ebla which invokes Hadda alongside Ammarik.138
Hurrian offering lists, so-called kaluti [de], preserve long sequences of deities associated with Teshub.139 The standard version was arranged according to importance and included Teshub himself, as well as deities such as Tašmišu (in Šapinuwa followed by Anu), Kumarbi, Ea, Kušuḫ, Šimige, Šauška, Aštabi, Nupatik, Pirengir, Ḫešui, Iršappa, Tenu, earth and heaven, “mountains and rivers”, Šarruma, Šeri and Ḫurri, Namni and Ḫazzi, “Ugur of Teshub”, “hero of Teshub”, “ancestors of Teshub”140 and various attributes and cultic paraphernalia related to him.141 Goddesses generally belonged to the kaluti of Ḫepat instead.142 This separation by gender is presumed to be a Hurrian innovation, and there is no indication that it was instead derived from a Syrian Amorite or pre-Amorite tradition.143
Syro-Mesopotamian weather gods
Teshub was considered analogous to the Mesopotamian weather god, Adad.144145146 A degree of syncretism between them occurred across northern Syria and Upper Mesopotamia in the second millennium BCE due to the proliferation of new Hurrian dynasties, and eventually the rise of the empire of Mitanni, but its precise development is not possible to study yet due to lack of sources which could be a basis for case studies.147 While Hurrian rulers are not absent from sources from the Old Babylonian period, they attained greater relevance from the sixteenth century onwards, replacing the formerly predominant Amorite dynasties.148 As a result of this process, Teshub came to be regarded as the weather god of Aleppo.149 However, as Semitic languages continued to be spoken across the region, both names of weather gods continued to be used across the middle Euphrates area.150
While the equivalence between Teshub and Adad is not attested in the Mesopotamian god list An = Anum, he is directly referred to as one of his foreign counterparts, specifically that linked to Subartu,151 in another similar text, K 2100 (CT 25, 16–17).152 In a single passage from the Song of Ḫedammu Teshub is addressed with the title “canal inspector of mankind”, which most likely originates in the Babylonian milieu.153 Anu’s status as the father of Teshub also mirrors Mesopotamian tradition.154 This idea might have reached the Hurrians as early as in the Akkadian period.155 Daniel Schwemer notes it is possible that in turn the tradition according to which Adad was a son of Dagan was influenced by Hurrian religion, and was meant to mirror the connection between their Hurrian counterparts, Teshub and Kumarbi, and argues it is “questionable” if it was envisioned similarly before the arrival of the Hurrians.156 According to Lluís Feliu, while a father-son relationship between Dagan and the weather god is only directly attested in Ugarit, it can be assumed it is already implicit in Old Babylonian texts.157 Remnants of the period of Hurrian cultural influence are also still visible in a number of Neo-Assyrian traditions pertaining to Adad.158 The Tākultu texts indicate that his bulls Šeri and Ḫurri were incorporated into the circle of deities associated with Adad in both Assur and Kurbail [pl].159 The fact that he was invoked alongside Ishtar in contracts is presumed to reflect the association between Teshub and Šauška.160 Beate Pongratz-Leisten argues an example of Hurrian mythology being reflected in an association between these Mesopotamian deities is already present in a curse formula of Adad-nirari I.161 At the same time it is considered implausible to assume that the widespread veneration of Adad attested in Assyria in the Middle Assyrian period and later was the result of Hurrian influence, and most likely it should be instead interpreted as a case of cultural continuity, as evidenced by the broad distribution of the evidence for worship of Adad of Assur, attested even in Hittite sources.162
In Ugarit, Teshub was identified with the local weather god, Baal.163 It is presumed that the latter developed through the replacement of the main name of the weather god by his epithet on the Mediterranean coast in the fifteenth century BCE.164 In modern scholarship, comparisons have been made between myths focused on their respective struggles for kingship among the gods.165 While Baal does not directly fight against El, the senior god in the Ugaritic pantheon, the relationship between them has nonetheless been compared to the hostility between their Hurrian counterparts, Kumarbi and Teshub.166 Additionally, similarly to how Baal fought Yam, god of the sea, the Kiaše was also counted among Teshub's mythical adversaries, and both battles were associated with the same mountain, Ḫazzi.167 However, myths about Baal also contain elements which find no parallel in these focused on Teshub, such as the confrontation with Mot, the personification of death, and his temporary death resulting from it.168 In contrast with Teshub, Baal also did not have a wife, and in Ugarit Ḫepat was seemingly recognized as a counterpart of Pidray, who was regarded as his daughter, rather than spouse.169
For uncertain reasons a trilingual edition of the Weidner god list from Ugarit equates Teshub and Baal not only with each other, but also with the Mesopotamian goddess Imzuanna.170 As her character was dissimilar, Aaron Tugendhaft has suggested that this connection might be an example of scribal word play, as the first sign of Imzuanna's name is identical with the sumerogram IM used to represent names of weather gods.171 He concludes that it is unlikely the list can be used as a point of reference for either Hurrian or Ugaritic theology.172
It has been argued that the theonyms Teshub and Baal were both used interchangeably to refer to the local weather god in Emar.173 However, most likely, his principal name in this city was Adad, and Baal served only as an appellative.174 It is possible that in the local pantheon, the relationship between him and Ashtart was imagined similar to the bond between Teshub and Šauška in Hurrian mythology, as evidence for alleged consort relation between them is lacking.175
Anatolian weather gods
In Kummanni in Kizzuwatna, Teshub was identified with the local god Manuzi.176 The latter was regarded as the spouse of the Hurrian goddess Lelluri.177
Starting in the Middle Hittite period, the Hittites due to growing Hurrian influence on their culture came to associate Teshub with their weather god, Tarḫunna.178 The character of the Luwian weather god, Tarḫunz, also came to be influenced by the Teshub.179180 A factor facilitating interchange of traits between these Anatolian weather gods, their Hurrian counterpart and other weather deities, such as Hattian Taru and Mesopotamian Adad, was the use of the same sumerogram to represent their names.181
In some cases, Hittites adopted Hurrian texts focused on Teshub, including hymns, prayers and myths, but substituted his name for that of their own analogous god.182 Sources such as ritual texts pertaining to the worship of Šauška in Šamuha instead preserve cases of what according to Piotr Taracha can be described as interpretatio hurritica, namely referring to various Anatolian weather gods with the name Teshub.183 However, as noted by Gary Beckman, full conflation of deities was rare in Hittite religion, and generally should be considered “late and exceptional”, with individual weather gods maintaining separate identities.184
Teshub's bulls were incorporated alongside him into the Hittite pantheon, but it is possible the image of a weather god travelling in a chariot drawn by bulls was not present in Hittite culture exclusively due to Hurrian influence, as the bull was already the symbolic animal of the weather god earlier, in the Old Hittite period.185186 While in Hittite texts postdating the introduction of Hurrian deities, Teshub might appear alongside Šuwaliyat,187 who corresponded to Tašmišu, there is no evidence that a connection existed between this Anatolian god and Tarḫunna in earlier periods.188 Their juxtaposition was influenced by traditions imported from Kizzuwatna.189 In order to reconcile the standard Hittite pantheon and the dynastic pantheon including Hurrian deities, attempts have also been made by Hittite court theologians to equate Ḫepat and the Sun goddess of Arinna, as attested for example in a prayer of Puduḫepa, but according to Piotr Taracha it is implausible that these ideas found support among the general populace.190
In the first millennium BCE, the identification between Teshub and Tarḫunz is implicitly attested in texts from Tabal, where the latter came to be regarded as the husband of Ḫepat.191 However, according to Manfred Hutter it is not possible to speak of “Luwianized” form of the worship of this goddess in earlier periods.192 Through Luwian influence she was worshipped alongside Tarḫunz in Carchemish as well, but she was not incorporated into the religion of the Arameans and eventually gradually disappeared from sources from Syria over the course of the eighth and seventh centuries BCE.193 It is also possible that the echoes of the myth about Teshub's birth are preserved in a hieroglyphic Luwian inscription from Arsuz, which names the male deity Kumarma as Tarḫunz's mother similarly to how a Hurrian hymn refers to Kumarbi as Teshub's mother due to the circumstances of his birth.194
Worship
Teshub was one of the oldest Hurrian deities.195 He is considered a “pan-Hurrian” god.196 As such, he was worshipped in all areas inhabited by the Hurrians, from southeastern Anatolia to the Zagros Mountains, similarly to deities such as Šauška, Šimige, Kušuḫ and Kumarbi.197 He is first attested in Hurrian theophoric names from the Ur III period.198 The single oldest example is Teššop-šelag (te-šup-še-la-aḫ; translation of the second element is unknown), identified in a document from Puzrish-Dagan from the seventh year of Shu-Sin’s reign.199 It is also presumed that the sumerogram representing a weather god in the inscription of Tish-atal of Urkesh should be interpreted as an early reference to Teshub.200 According to Daniel Schwemer, it can be considered the first direct reference to this god outside of personal names, and dates to the late Ur III period.201
Little is known about the history of the cult of Teshub prior to the rise of Hurrian dynasties in Upper Mesopotamia.202 Theophoric names invoking him were not yet common in the periods predating the time of the Mari archives.203 In addition to examples from this text corpus, a few are known from Old Babylonian Dilbat, Kish, Sippar, Kisurra, Alalakh, Tell Leilan, Tell al-Rimah and Tell Shemshara.204 One Old Babylonian example is Teshub-ewre, “Teshub is lord”, presumed to refer to his position as the head of the pantheon.205 By the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries BCE, Teshub became the deity most commonly invoked in Hurrian theophoric names.206
Many royal dynasties across Upper Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia considered Teshub their tutelary deity.207 According to Piotr Taracha, this might have been a result of the influence of the tradition of Yamhad, centered in Aleppo, in which the god confirming royal authority was Adad, later syncretised with Teshub in the west.208
Kumme
Kumme (Akkadian: Kummu or Kummum, Hittite: Kummiya,209 Urartian: Qumenu210) was the main cult center of Teshub.211 It is also the first attested city associated with him.212 It is to be distinguished from Kummanni in Kizzuwatna.213 Its precise location is not known.214215 It is presumed that it was located east of the Tigris,216 in the valley of the Eastern Khabur.217 It has been suggested that it is to be found in the immediate proximity of modern Zakho, but according to Karen Radner textual sources indicate a more mountainous environment, which lead her to suggest identification with Beytüşşebap instead.218219
The city is already attested in texts from the Old Babylonian period.220 As a cult center of a weather god, it enjoyed “transregional” renown, comparable to Aleppo.221 A list of deities invoked in an oath from Mari recognized these two cities as the two main cult centers of weather gods.222 It forms a part of a treaty between Zimri-Lim and a king of Kurda.223 A text from the same city written in Hurrian directly refers to Te-šu-ba-am Ku-um-me-né-en, Teshub of Kumme.224 Zimri Lim also dedicated a vase to the weather god of Kumme; the inscription renders the name logogaphically.225 In cases where logographic writings are used to spell the name, it is not certain if speakers of Semitic languages (Akkadian and Amorite) necessarily referred to the god of Kumme as Adad or with his Hurrian name.226
In some cases, Kumme occurs as a theophoric element in personal names from various Hurrian sites (Nuzi, Tikunani), as well as from Mariote and Middle Assyrian archives, such as Kummen-adal ("Kumme is strong") or Kummen-ewri ("Kumme is lord"), according to Daniel Schwemer possibly functioning as a stand-in for the name of its god.227 Marie Claude Trémouille interprets this phenomenon similarly, presuming that the name Kummen-atal is to be translated as "(the weather god of) Kumme is strong".228 However, according to Thomas Richter such names reflect the perception of the city itself as a numen.229
The last references to Kumme occur in sources from the Neo-Assyrian period.230 The weather god of Kumme, whose name was written logographically, was recognized by Assyrian rulers.231 He is mentioned as dIŠKUR šá ku-me in the so-called Götteradressbuch,232 a text listing deities worshipped in Assur, while Adad-nirari II visited the city itself in 895 BCE to make an offering to him.233 According to Daniel Schwemer, while the king referred to the god of the city as Adad, this should only be considered a case of what he deems "interpretatio assyria" (per analogy with a later religious phenomenon referred to as interpretatio graeca).234 At the time, Kumme was an independent polity under the control of local rulers.235 The city's status as a well established religious center might have been the reason why it retained independence.236 A further Assyrian reference to Kumme occurs in the personal name Bēl-Kumme-ilā’ī.237 The final fate of the city is uncertain, as it is no longer attested in sources from the reign of Sennacherib and his successors.238
Kingdom of Arrapha
The city of Arrapha (Arrapḫum239) or Āl-ilāni (“city of the gods”), modern Kirkuk,240 was already known as a cult center of a weather god in the Old Babylonian period.241 The local temple was considered the most important sanctuary in the area east of the Tigris, in the proximity of Little Zab.242 It is possible that the local god was understood to be Teshub during the reign of Shamshi-Adad I already.243 One of his inscriptions refers to sacrifices made during a festival (ḫumṭum) held in Arrapha in honor of a weather god and a sun god, and while the sumerograms used are usually interpreted as Adad and Shamash, it is not impossible that the deities meant were Teshub and Šimige.244 Ultimately it is possible that both Shamshi-Adad I and his successor Yasmah-Addu referred to the god of Arrapha as Adad.245 At the same time, according to Daniel Schwemer he was called Teshub by their contemporaries in Šušarrā, as the local inhabitants, who apparently at one point dedicated two bronze vessels to him, were predominantly Hurrians.246
Information about the religion of the kingdom of Arrapha, including the structure of local pantheons, is only known from administrative texts, such as lists of rations meant for the cults of specific deities.247 In lists of oil rations, Teshub always occurs alongside Šauška of Nineveh.248 It is also known that a festival in honor of a deity designated by the logogram dIŠKUR took place in the fourth month of the local calendar,249 corresponding to June or July.250 While no inscriptions dealing with any building projects or votive offerings related to the worship of Teshub can be attributed to local kings, it is presumed they nonetheless engaged in such activities, and the lack of textual evidence might be accidental.251
Teshub is also attested in texts from two other sites in the proximity of Arrapha itself, Nuzi (Yorgantepe) and Kurruhanni (Tell al-Fakhar).252 It is possible that a double temple excavated in the former of these cities was dedicated jointly to him and Šauška.253 It might have been originally a temple of Ishtar instead, with its later Hurrian character resulting from the settlement of Hurrians in the nineteenth century BCE.254 Possibly this process was contemporary with the change of the name or refounding of the city, which was originally known as Gasur.255 Members of Teshub's clergy are mentioned in the Nuzi texts, including šangû priests and entu priestesses.256 It is also known that he was worshipped in other settlements in the same area, Ḫilmani and Ulamme, as well as in Tilla, possibly identical with the similarly named Tille which based on Old Babylonian records was located in northeastern part of Upper Mesopotamia.257 In yet another city in the kingdom of Arrapha, Šuriniwe, a double temple dedicated jointly to Teshub and the moon god Kušuḫ existed.258
The importance of the cult of Teshub in the kingdom of Arrapha is reflected in the large number of theophoric names invoking him, including these belonging to members of the highest strata of society.259 Teshub names predominate even among members of the royal family, with virtually all of the known kings and a half of the princes bearing them.260 Some of the identified names include Arip-Teshub (“Teshub gave”), Egel-Teshub (“save, Teshub”), Fagar-Teshub (“good is Teshub”), Fand-Teshub (“Teshub makes right”), Ḫižmi-Teshub (“shiny is Teshub”), Kibi-Teshub (“Teshub sent”), Tadip-Teshub (“Teshub loved”), Teshub-adal (“Teshub is strong”), Teshub-ewri (“Teshub is lord”), Teshub-madi (“Teshub [possesses] wisdom”), Tun-Teshub (“Teshub could”), Tuppi-Teshub (“Teshub is here”), Un-Teshub (“Teshub came” or “he [the child] came, o Teshub”), the hypocoristic Teššōya, and uncommon hybrid Hurro-Akkadian names such as Teshub-nirari (“Teshub is my help”) or Warad-Teshub (“servant of Teshub”).261 It has been noted that similar theophoric names invoking Teshub are also attested in texts from contemporary Assyrian and Babylonian sites, for example Nippur.262 In texts from this city from the Kassite period, fifteen different examples are attested, which makes Teshub the most common non-Mesopotamian non-Kassite deity appearing in theophoric names from this corpus, and the sixteenth most common overall.263
Aleppo
The temple of the weather god of Aleppo was already considered a major sanctuary in the Eblaite texts, which predate the Sargonic period.264 In a treaty from Mari, the weather gods of Aleppo and Kumme appear separately from each other as the two most important weather deities invoked.265 Hurrianization of the site presumably only occurred in the fifteenth and fourteenth centuries BCE.266 Due to growing Hurrian influence in northern Syria, the deity venerated there, originally Adad, came to be identified as Teshub instead.267 According to Alfonso Archi, he was effectively superimposed over the older god.268 For example, a festival originally dedicated to Adad which took place in the month Ḫiyaru was later held in honor of Teshub.269
According to Gernot Wilhelm, the hypostasis of Teshub associated with Aleppo became the “most important local variant” of this god, as evidenced by attestations spanning from Hattusa and Ugarit in the west to Nuzi in the east.270 The Nuzi evidence includes references to dIŠKUR ḫalba=ġe and to a deity named Ḫalbae or Ḫarbaḫe, “the divine Halabean” (Halab being the Akkadian name of Aleppo), presumably the same figure.271 In Ugaritic texts written in the local alphabetic script, Teshub of Aleppo appears as tṯb ḫlbġ.272 Traditions of Aleppo, including those related to Teshub, presumably also reached Kizzuwatna.273
The temple of the weather god in Aleppo was renovated around 1100 BCE by a Luwian prince, Taita, who added a relief depicting himself next to an older depiction of the deity, dated to the fourteenth or thirteenth century BCE.274 It remained in use in later times, but the main deity of the city was no longer Teshub; the local god was instead identified as Tarḫunz in hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, Hadad in Aramaic texts, and Adad in Akkadian ones from both Babylonia and Assyria.275
Kummanni and other Kizzuwatnean sites
Teshub was worshipped in Kummanni in the north of Kizzuwatna,276 a kingdom located in the plains surrounding modern Adana.277 A number of ritual texts focused on him presumed to come from this area reflected the theology of Aleppo.278 Sources from Kizzuwatna often link him with ḫamri ((é)ḫa-am-ri), a type of buildings originally associated with oath-taking and judicial procedures in Upper Mesopotamia and in the north of Babylonia, as already attested in the early second millennium BCE.279 A ḫamri was connected with the cult of Adad in Old Babylonian Shaduppum,280 but Old Assyrian sources do not connect it with the worship of any weather god.281 In Hurrian tradition of Kizzuwatna these structures could also be associated with Ishara.282 There is no indication that ḫamri buildings were a part of temples, and most likely the worship of individual deities in association with them reflected their connection to oaths, justice or omens.283
A festival meant to guarantee the well-being of the royal couple dedicated to the gods of Kummanni, including “Teshub Manuzzi”, was later celebrated in the Hittite Empire, but according to copies from the times of Puduḫepa the instructions were passed down from Kizzuwatna.284
Kaḫat and other Mitanni sites
While material evidence of the worship of Teshub in the Mitanni state is limited, it is agreed that it was widespread.285 Tushratta in the letters he sent to Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV (part of the Amarna letters corpus) refers to Teshub as his lord, and in a blessing formula invokes the lead deities of the pantheon, him and Šauška, alongside Amun (rendered in Hurrian as “Amanu”), who occupied a comparable position in ancient Egyptian religion.286 Teshub's major cult centers in Mitanni territory were Kaḫat, Waššukkanni, Uḫušumāni and Irride.287 His hypostases associated with them are all listed among the witnesses in a treaty of king Shattiwaza288289 The enumeration of these manifestations, as well as various local deities, had a political dimension, and was meant to help with defining the area regarded as the core territory of the kingdom.290
Kaḫat (modern Tell Barri), which was located in the proximity of Shekhna,291 was the primary site associated with Teshub located in the heartland of the Mitanni state.292 It was already recognized as a cult center of a weather god during the Old Babylonian period, as early as during the reign of Shamshi-Adad I, but there is no evidence that he was identified as Teshub yet prior to the establishment of a Mitanni presence in the fifteenth century BCE, as documents from the reign of Zimri-Lim indicate the city's rulers were Amorites, rather than Hurrians.293 In the Shattiwaza treaty, Teshub is designated as the “lord of kurrinnu of Kaḫat”, presumably either a type of house of worship or emblem.294 Volkert Haas asserted that a reference to “Teshub of kurinni” appears in an inscription from Kaḫat as well,295 but according to Daniel Schwemer this is an error, as no such a text actually exists.296 It is known that a temple existed in this city; it occurs for the last time in an inscription of Shalmaneser I commemorating its renovation which refers to the god worshipped in it as Adad.297 Of the remaining cult centers listed in the same treaty, Waššukkanni was the imperial capital,298 and might be identical with Sikkāni, attested as a cult center of Adad in Neo-Assyrian sources,299 Uḫušumāni is not otherwise known, and Irride, whose local hypostasis of Teshub was called the “lord of the kamaru” (presumably a type of emblem or temple, much like kurrinnu) might correspond to Tell Bandar Ḫān.300 Middle Assyrian sources mention two further cities which might have been Mitanni-affiliated cult centers of Teshub, namely Šura and Isana.301 The former is only attested in a single source, and might correspond to modern Savur.302 The text from this site mentions a weather god and a city deity bearing a Hurrian name, Šūriḫa, “belonging to Šūra”.303
Other Hurrian attestations
Numerous names invoking Teshub are known from the texts from Tigunanum, a city located to the north of Tur Abdin and south or southwest of the Tigris whose exact location remains unknown due to the tablets coming from illicit excavations.304 During the reign of Ḫattušili I, the king of this city bore the theophoric name Tunib-Teššub.305 Additionally, the so-called Tikunani Prism, which lists the predominantly Hurrian names of men belonging to the king's forces, includes nine theophoric ones invoking Teshub.306
Teshub was also worship in Ḫaburātum, a city northeast of the Sinjar Mountains already ruled by a Hurrian king, Nanip-šauri, in the times of Zimri-Lim, though it is presumed that since the name was written logographically in his letters addressed to the latter ruler, their recipient presumably would read the sumerogram used as Adad.307
In texts from Tell al-Rimah (Qattara308) theophoric names invoking Teshub are attested, but they are rare, with the only examples identified so far being Arip-Teshub (“Teshub gave”) and Teshub-ewri (“Teshub is the lord”).309
In 1944, Ignace J. Gelb has proposed that a deity possibly designated as “Dagan of the Hurrians” (ša ḪAR-ri, often interpreted ša ḫurri) in a late Old Babylonian inscription of king Šunuḫru-ammu of Khana from Terqa can be understood as Teshub, but this view is no longer accepted today, and most authors consider him to be Kumarbi instead.310 Lluís Feliu outright rejects the possibility that a Hurrian deity is meant and instead interprets it as a reference of a hypostasis of Dagan analogous to dKUR en ḫa-ar-ri, attested in texts from Emar.311
A certain Ehli-Teššup was the king of Alze (Alše), a state which belonged to an anti-Assyrian coalition during the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I.312 Various kings with names invoking Teshub have also ruled over various small states in the upper Tigris area during the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I.313 Kings of Shubria also bore theophoric names invoking him, as attested for example in texts from the reign of Esarhaddon.314 Ṭābatum at some point apparently was ruled by a certain Akit-Teššub, as indicated by an inscription of his descendant Adad-bēl-gabbe.315
Ugaritic reception
Texts from Ugarit from the thirteenth century BCE indicate that Hurrian deities, including Teshub, were worshipped in this city.316 Alfonso Archi has argued that the Hurrian pantheon of Ugarit as a whole was influenced by the tradition of Aleppo.317 However, Piotr Taracha maintains that it represented a distinct tradition.318 Offering lists from Ugarit show a merging of Hurrian and local traditions, and combine figures from both pantheons, with Ugaritic deities such as El or Anat appearing in Hurrian context.319 One of such texts places Teshub between El and Kušuḫ.320 In another, offerings to him are prescribed twice, and in both cases take place between these dedicated to El and Kumarbi.321 In a ritual text written in a combination of Hurrian and Ugaritic which mentions both Šauška and Ashtart,322 he is placed between El and the former of these two goddesses in an enumeration of deities receiving offerings.323 Overall, Teshub's position in the Hurrian offering lists from Ugarit can be compared to Baal’s in these reflecting strictly local tradition.324
Numerous theophoric names invoking Teshub are attested in the Ugaritic text corpus.325 As of 2016, 70 individuals bearing them have been identified.326 This makes him one of the five deities most common in theophoric names attested in sources from this site, and while he is not as common as El and Baal, he does appear with frequency comparable to Resheph and Shapash.327 Examples include Anani-Teshub (“Teshub rejoiced”), Ari-Teshub (“Teshub gave”), Kel-Teshub (“Teshub leaves unscathed”), Talmi-Teshub (“great is Teshub”), Uri-Teshub (“Teshub is here”) and the bilingual hybrid name Ili-Teshub (“my god is Teshub”). 328 Wilfred H. van Soldt has argued that in this context “it is quite possible that with the name Teššub not the main god of the Hurrian pantheon is meant, but the principal deity of Ugarit”,329 with the Hurrian god only being a stand-in for Baal.330 However, Mary E. Buck in her analysis of Ugaritic and Amorite naming patterns concludes that in Ugarit the local weather god and Teshub coexisted.331 She notes that his importance separates this city from other Amorite sites.332
Hittite reception
Teshub was also worshipped by the Hittites.333 However, while Ḫattušili I already mentions that he plundered the statue of a weather god from Haššuwa and brought it with him to Hattusa, there is no evidence that Teshub (or other Hurrian deities) was already worshipped there in the Old Hittite period.334 It is possible that he was first introduced to Hittite lands by Šuppiluliuma I.335 Piotr Taracha links his introduction to the start of the reign of a new dynasty which originated in Kizzuwatna.336
In Hittite sources, Teshub was recognized as the head of the dynastic, rather than national, pantheon,337 and much like in the Mitanni empire and many other kingdoms, he was regarded as a royal deity.338 The introduction of Teshub and other Hurrian deities did not result in the Hittite deities being no longer worshipped.339 However, in Hattusa a temple of the Hittite weather god, referred to Taparwašu locally, was reassigned to Teshub of Aleppo.340 The worship of this hypostasis of him in this city had essentially Hurrian character.341 The cult of this form of Teshub and of his spouse Ḫepat attained a degree of importance in Hittite religion.342 Thirteen festivals were held jointly in honor of them, which has been interpreted as an annual cycle of monthly celebrations, with the thirteenth being added on leap years.343 While the associated hypostasis of Teshub was the one linked to Aleppo, there is no clear indication that the individual celebrations originated in the tradition of this city.344 In Hattusa, Teshub of Aleppo was worshipped as “Teshub of Aleppo of Hattusa”, though references to “Teshub of Aleppo of Kummanni” are known too and according to Piotr Taracha reflect a connection between this city and the origin of the ruling family.345 In the Šunaššura treaty, Teshub of Aleppo and Ḫepat appear directly after the main triad of Hittite deities (the weather god, the sun goddess and a tutelary deity, logographically dLAMMA).346 However, in other similar texts hypostases of Teshub could be listed among other weather gods right behind the sun goddess of Arinna.347 According to a prayer of Muwatalli II (CTH 381), a temple dedicated to Teshub of Aleppo and Ḫepat existed in Ḫurma, east of Kanesh.348 However, in this city, as well as in Uda, both Teshub and local weather gods were worshipped.349350
As a dynastic deity, Teshub was recognized as the head of the local pantheon of Šapinuwa, where Tudhaliya III resided in the early years of his reign.351 Similarly, when Muršili II moved to Katapa [de] in the final period of his reign, he introduced Teshub to this city, and his cult eclipsed that of local deities such as the so-called “Queen of Katapa”.352 During the reign of Muwatalli II in Arinna two hypostases of Teshub qualified by Hurrian epithets, eḫllibi (“of salvation”) and šuḫurribi (“of life”) were worshipped alongside the local pantheon: the sun goddess of Arinna, Mezulla, the deified mountain Ḫulla, Zintuḫi and a different weather god who represented a minor category of so-called “storm gods of the forest”.353 In Ankuwa, during the reign of Tudhaliya IV Teshub was worshipped during the AN.TAḪ.ŠUM [de] festival.354
Teshub of Kumme and Teshub of Arrapha were recognized by the Hittites too.355 Other hypostases of this god worshipped in the Hittite Empire included Teshub of Kizzuwatna, Teshub of Manuzzi, Teshub of Šapinuwa and Teshub of Durmitta [ca].356 Furthermore, weather gods designated by the terms muwattalli (“mighty”) and piḫaššašši (“of lightning”), the personal tutelary deities of, respectively, Muršili II and Muwattalli II, should be considered forms of Teshub according to Piotr Taracha.357 However, Manfred Hutter argues that piḫaššašši instead referred to the Luwian weather god Tarḫunz.358 Gary Beckman similarly classifies him as Luwian,359 while Suzanne Herbordt treats him as distinct from Teshub.360 Taracha assumes a further Hittite hypostasis of Teshub was the weather god “of the camp” (KARAŠ),361 who he interprets as his aspect as the king's tutelary deity in war due to his apparent association with Zitḫariya [de], well attested in such a role.362
Teshub is among Hurrian deities identified on the reliefs from the Yazılıkaya sanctuary, the central of which (42) depicts him standing on the napes of two mountain gods, alongside his family: Ḫepat (43), Šarruma (44), Allanzu (45) and Kunzišalli (46).363 The procession of deities following him broadly follows the order of his kaluti [de], though a specific Hurro-Hittite ritual text directly matching the reliefs has yet to be found.364 The deities following Teshub have been identified as Tašmišu,365 Kumarbi, Ea, Šauška with Ninatta and Kulitta, Kušuḫ, Šimige, Aštabi, Nupatik, Pirengir, Ḫešui, symbol of heaven held by two bull men standing on a symbol of earth, Ugur, Pišaišapḫi, thirteen unidentified deities and twelve gods of the underworld.366
As a result of Hittite influence, Teshub is among the deities mentioned in a ritual text from Emar, which despite being written in a local dialect of Akkadian is described as “Tablet of the rites of the gods of the Hatti Land” in its colophon and reflects Hittite, rather than local, beliefs.367 Names such as Ewri-Teshub, Kundi-Teshub (meaning uncertain), Mudri-Teshub (meaning uncertain), Talmi-Teshub or Ikūn-Teshub (“Teshub was faithful”; the first element is not Hurrian) are attested in texts from the same city as well,368 but most of their bearers were members of the Hittite administration stationed in Carchemish, rather than local inhabitants.369
Luwian reception
Due to Hurrian influence on various Luwian communities, in southern Anatolia Teshub came to be regarded as the head of many local pantheons.370371 It is known that he could receive Luwian epithets, but it is not certain if figures referred to with the titles piḫaimi (“hurling lightning”), waraẖitaššaš (“of help”), ariyaddalli (“mountainous”) and dupattanašši (“punishing”) can be necessarily identified as hypostases of him rather than his natively Luwian counterpart Tarḫunz.372
In the first millennium BCE in the kingdom of Tabal, whose local Luwian pantheon has been described as “Hurrianized,” Teshub was seemingly identified with Tarḫunz, and the latter was worshipped alongside originally Hurrian deities, including Ḫepat, Šarruma, Allanzu (“Alasuwa”), Kubaba and Ea.373 It is presumed that the religious developments in Tabal had strictly local character, and Manfred Hutter outright suggests referring to local beliefs as “‘Tabalean’ religion”, as opposed to Luwian or Hurrian.374
While Teshub's name stopped being the default designation for weather gods in northern Syria in the first millennium BCE, he is still attested in theophoric names in Carchemish in this period.375 Additionally, two inscriptions from Til Barsip indicate that he continued to be worshipped at least in this location as a secondary weather god distinct from Tarḫunz.376 One of these texts has been commissioned by Hamiyata, king of Masuwari:
Tarhunt of Heaven, King Ea, Kumarbi, Grain-god, Tessub, Harranean Moon-god [...] and Kubaba [and other gods] loved me, the first(-born son) as a child.377
Mythology
Teshub and Kumarbi
The best known myths focused on Teshub belong to the so-called Kumarbi Cycle.378 It describes his ascent to kingship and challenges he subsequently faces due to the machinations of Kumarbi.379 Carlo Corti notes that despite its conventional modern title, it might be more appropriate to refer to it as the cycle of Teshub.380 This renaming proposal is also supported by Piotr Taracha.381 Erik van Dongen also argues that the old label needs to be reconsidered and acknowledges Teshub, rather than Kumarbi, as its primary character, though he considers a title more broadly referring to kingship in heaven rather than to a singular deity to be preferable.382
It is not known how many myths originally formed the cycle.383 It is also possible that more than one cycle of myths focused on the conflict between Teshub and Kumarbi existed.384 The conventional reconstructed sequence cited in modern literature consists of five: Song of Emergence, Song of LAMMA, Song of Silver, Song of Ḫedammu and Song of Ullikummi.385386 According to Alfonso Archi, the last three myths are arranged on the increasingly more threatening nature of their antagonists, though he also stresses that it cannot be assumed they form a coherent whole.387 It is uncertain if the Song of the Sea was also a part of the cycle, and which position it should occupy if this classification is accepted.388 Multiple further fragmentary texts possibly also related to these narratives have been identified, including Ea and the Beast and a fragment focused on the deity Eltara.389 The individual myths all portray Kumarbi's plots against Teshub as initially successful in order to create suspense, but ultimately the younger god overcomes difficulties and emerges victorious.390 Both of the main participants in the conflict are aided by various allies, with Teshub being backed chiefly by figures associated with the sky, for example Šauška, Šimige, Kušuḫ, Ḫepat, Takitu, Tašmišu and Aštabi, and Kumarbi with these dwelling in the underworld391 or the sea.392
While Hittite translations of myths about Teshub could replace his name with that of Tarḫunna,393 according to Gary Beckman it is not certain if any of them were known to average Hittite, or even to royal courtiers.394 Their plots do not reflect Hittite tradition, but rather the beliefs of Hurrians inhabiting the north of Syria and Mesopotamia, as indicated by their geographic setting, with direct references made to locations such as Tigris, Mukish or Mount Hazzi.395 The notion of “kingship in heaven”, commonly referenced in them, was otherwise largely absent from natively Hittite theology, and can only be considered a “literary borrowing”.396 Most likely Hurrian myths were imported from northern Syria and adapted in Hitte to serve as a form of scribal training, and possibly as courtly entertainment.397 Some of the adaptations might have been prepared in Šapinuwa during the reign of Tudhaliya II or Tudhaliya III.398
Song of Emergence (Song of Kumarbi)
Regardless of the number and arrangement of myths classified as a part of the cycle dealing with Teshub and Kumarbi, the same composition is agreed to be its beginning by experts.399 Until the 2000s, various provisional titles were used to refer to it in academic publications, for example Song of Kumarbi or Kingship in Heaven, eventually it was established that the text was originally known as the Song of Emergence.400 The preserved tablet was prepared by the scribe Ašḫapala, who was active during the reign of Tudhaliya I.401 However, the composition is older, as the colophon mentions the existence of a damaged exemplar from which it was copied, which in turn presumably constituted a Hittite adaptation of unknown Hurrian originals.402 Only a single possibly related fragment written in Hurrian is presently known, KUB 47.56, but due to state of preservation and still imperfect understanding of the language it does not shed additional light on the plot of the myth.403
The Song of Emergence describes Teshub's birth after an introductory section dedicated to the succession of primordial kings of the gods.404 He is conceived when Kumarbi seizes kingship among the gods after battling the previous deity who held this position, Anu, and biting off his genitals.405 After being mutilated, Anu mocks Kumarbi:
Do not rejoice over your belly, for I have placed a burden in your belly. First, I have impregnated you with the mighty Storm-god. Second, I have impregnated you with the River Tigris, not to be borne. Third, I have impregnated you with the mighty Tašmišu. I have placed three frightful deities as a burden in your belly, and you will end up banging your head against the rocks of Mt. Tašša!406
As noted by Gary Beckman, due to his origin Teshub effectively represents a fusion of two rival families of gods, one represented by Anu, and the other by Kumarbi and Alalu,407 who reigned in heaven before Anu.408
While Kumarbi manages to spit out Tašmišu, impregnating Mount Kanzura with him as a result, in order to get rid of Teshub he has to travel to Nippur in Mesopotamia, where he consults Ea about his condition.409 Teshub actively partakes in the discussion from inside Kumarbi's body, and argues that it would be optimal for him to emerge from his head.410 In another passage in which he has yet to be born he apparently indicates that he will receive various positive traits from other deities.411 In the section of the myth preceding his birth, Teshub is referred to as A.GILIM and KA.ZAL, possibly because he has yet to receive his proper name or simply to let the scribes display their familiarity with various rare writings of theonyms.412 However, they are not used in such a context in any other texts.413 Presumably even at the time of compilation and copying of the text they were obscure.414 They might have originated in multilingual lexical lists.415
Kumarbi's skull is eventually split to enable Teshub's birth, and afterwards it has to be repaired “like a garment” by the fate goddesses (Gulšeš in the Hittite adaptation).416 He is enraged by the ordeal and demands to have the child, referred to with the logogram NAM.ḪÉ, “abundance” (in the past sometimes incorrectly interpreted as a separate, female figure), handed over to him so that he can crush or devour him.417418 However, he is tricked by unknown means into biting a piece of a stone instead, enabling his son to survive.419 According to Erik van Dongen, following the earlier study of Anna Maria Polvani it can be assumed the term used to refer to it, kunkunuzzi, has no specific meaning, and could refer to any hard stone, not necessarily to basalt, diorite or granite, as sometimes suggested.420 When the narrative resumes after an account of setting up the stone as a place where humans will make offerings (perhaps an etiology of so-called ḫuwaši stones, treated as cult objects in Syria and Anatolia) and a gap, various deities are debating who will become the next king of the gods.421 It is not known what, if any, conclusion they reach, but they seemingly do not assign this position to Teshub.422 He is displeased by the discussion.423 In the following passage, he boasts about own positive qualities and curses the other gods.424 His bull Šeri warns him about doing so.425 He singles out Ea in particular, but it is not certain if this is because he sees him as a uniquely dangerous potential opponent or because he views him as a neutral figure who does not need to be antagonized.426 Teshub also mentions that he drove away a war god (represented by the logogram dZA.BA.4.BA4), which might constitute an allusion to a lost episode dealing with a battle between him and Kumarbi involving a number of their respective allies.427 Alternatively, the unidentified war god might have been cursed due to not supporting Teshub enthusiastically enough during the debate about kingship, though this proposal remains purely hypothetical.428 It is possible that the confrontation between Teshub and Hurrian primeval deities also took place at this point, and lead to their confinement in the underworld described in other Hurro-Hittite texts.429
In a further preserved passage someone informs Ea about Teshub's curse; in the past it has been suggested that this deity, whose name is heavily damaged, is the poorly known possibly Hattian goddess Tauri, but this is now considered implausible.430 He apparently responds to it with a proverb, “under the beer-pot [a fire is placed(?)], and that pot will boil over(?)”, possibly to be understood as a declaration that no god should tamper with him in such a way.431 Due to gaps, it is not certain how the remaining surviving passages are connected with the earlier sections of the myth, and if Teshub plays any role in them.432 Some of them deal with the birth of children of deified earth, but it is not certain if they are to be understood as adversaries of Teshub.433
An additional fragment of the Song of Emergence pertaining to Teshub might be preserved on the tablet KUB 33.105, which contains a dialogue between him and Anu.434 He recounts his conflict with Kumarbi,435 describing how he was sent seven times to heaven, seven times to earth and seven times to mountains and rivers.436 He also states he owes his wisdom to Nara and his virility to Anu,437 but the rest of this section is broken off.438
Song of LAMMA
The sumerogram LAMMA can also be read as KAL, and therefore the name of the eponymous deity the Song of LAMMA focuses on is sometimes rendered as KAL too.439 The first surviving section describes a fight between him and Teshub, assisted by Šauška, which the siblings seemingly lose.440 Their opponent takes away Teshub's chariot and whip.441 He is then most likely appointed as a new king of the gods by Ea, but eventually he and Kumarbi grow displeased with his incompetence and seek to depose him.442 The rest of the myth is poorly preserved, but after a gap of undetermined length LAMMA and Teshub fight again, with the former apparently losing this time.443 Most likely he is not killed, but has to transfer the regalia of kingship to Teshub.444 According to Alfonso Archi, LAMMA can be identified as the tutelary god of Carchemish, Karhuha, as evidenced by the use of this sumerogram to designate him in a text attributed to Suppiluliuma I.445 The original meaning, the name of a type of protective deity in Mesopotamia, is not considered to fit the context.446 On the basis of identification of LAMMA as Karhuha Archi proposes that the myth was originally composed in Carchemish during a period of Mitanni domination under the influence of other narratives today considered to be parts of the Kumarbi Cycle, and that while its fragmentary preservation makes interpretation difficult, Teshub's victory over the local god might have reflected the acceptance of supremacy of said dynasty.447
Song of Silver
In the Song of Silver, most likely translated into Hittite from a Hurrian original448 presumably composed in western Syria,449 Teshub is first mentioned when the eponymous being is presented by the narrator as greater than the gods.450 Later Silver learns from his mother, a mortal woman, that his (step-)brother is Teshub and his father is Kumarbi,451 which prompts him to embark on a journey to the latter's sacred city, Urkesh.452 The rest of the narrative is not fully preserved, but it is presumed that he was enthroned as a temporary king of the gods.453 In In a passage presumably following this event, Teshub is fearful of his power, and questions if he can defeat him, prompting Tašmišu to taunt him over this display of timidity.454 While the surviving passages do not describe the dethroning and defeat of Silver, it is presumed the narrative nonetheless ended with these events due to parallels with other myths classified as parts of the Kumarbi Cycle.455
Song of Ḫedammu
Song of Ḫedammu is focused on the struggle between Teshub and Šauška and the eponymous being, a monstrous son of Kumarbi and Šertapšuruḫi [de], a daughter of his ally, the personified sea.456 Teshub first hears about this new opponent from Šauška, who refuses to sit down, eat or drink once she arrives with the news.457 Teshub becomes despondent after hearing them and starts to cry.458 Apparently a brief confrontation follows and results in havoc among mortals, which prompts Ea to berate both sides, starting with Teshub and his allies:459
(...) Ea began to say: “Why are you destroying mankind? They will not give sacrifices to the gods. They will not burn cedar and incense to you. If you destroy mankind, they will no longer worship the gods. No one will offer bread or libations to you any longer. Even Teššub, Kummiya’s heroic king, will himself work the plow.460
Kumarbi is the next to be berated, and apparently takes offense in it, which according to Harry A. Hoffner might mark the point at which the two, portrayed as allies in earlier sections of the cycle, start to become estranged, which ultimately culminates in Ea advising Teshub instead in the Song of Ullikummi.461
In the next passage, which is poorly preserved, Teshub and Šauška talk about Ḫedammu.462 The latter concocts a plan to defeat him with the help of her servants Ninatta and Kulitta, the enactment of which culminates in the aquatic being leaving his throne under the sea and coming to dry land is described in the remaining surviving fragments.463 While no surviving section describes the final fate of Ḫedammu, it is nonetheless assumed he was eventually defeated.464 It is not certain whether he was killed by Teshub or was allowed to live like LAMMA.465
Song of Ullikummi
In contrast with many of the related narratives, the Song of Ullikummi is relatively well preserved.466 It is considered the most complete myth of Hurrian origin presently known to researchers.467 It has been noted that its plot features a number of elements also present in the Song of Ḫedammu.468 According to Alfonso Archi, it might be derived from early Hurrian tradition, though the version known to the Hittites could only arise after Hurrian settlement in western Syria.469
The myth begins with a scene of Kumarbi plotting against Teshub:
Kumarbi forms in his mind a clever plan. He raises an “Evil Day” in the form of a hostile man and makes hostile plans against Teshub. Kumarbi [entertains] wise thoughts in his mind and aligns them like beads (on a string). When Kumarbi [had formed] a clever plan [in his mind], he promptly arose from his chair.470
His plot revolves around the eponymous being, Ullikummi,471 whose name means “Destroy Kumme!”, Kumme being both the main cult center of Teshub and his abode in myths.472 It is meant to describe his destiny, as he was created to supplant the weather god and destroy him and his city.473 He is described as a son of Kumarbi and an enormous boulder474 and he is made out of kunkunuzzi, “hard stone”, much like the rock Kumarbi bites into in the Song of Emergence.475 Kumarbi presents Ullikummi to his various allies, including the deified sea, and describes what the stone creature is meant to accomplish:
Let him go up to heaven to kingship. Let him suppress the fine city of Kummiya. Let him strike Teshub. Let him chop him up fine like chaff. Let him grind him up under food [like] an ant. Let him snap off Tašmišu like a brittle red. Let him scatter all the gods from the sky like birds. Let him smash them [like] empty pottery bowls.476
However, he fears Ullikummi could be easily defeated while he is still small, and therefore sends him to spend some time in hiding on the shoulder of the giant Upelluri.477 He keeps growing, and due to his enormous size he is eventually noticed by the “Sun god of Heaven” (Hurrian Šimige478), who immediately rushes to warn Teshub about this new adversary.479 The weather god sets up a chair, a meal and a drink for him, but he refuses to sit down, eat or drink, prompting his host to wonder if maybe they were set up improperly in the final lines of the first tablets of the composition.480 Presumably the broken beginning of the second tablet contained an explanation of this misunderstanding, as in the next surviving passage Teshub reacts to the bad news and reassures the sun god that he can sit down and eat and drink wine now.481 He then embarks on a journey to Mount Hazzi with his siblings, Tašmišu and Šauška, and after reaching his destination he finally sees Ullikummi himself, which sends him into despair.482 He describes how daunting of a task fighting him would be and starts crying.483 In order to help Teshub, Šauška attempts to woo Ullikummi with song and dance like she did earlier with Ḫedammu.484 However, after she dresses up, adorns her hair with seashells and starts signing, a wave informs her that the target is deaf, blind and unfeeling, which makes him immune to any such efforts, and suggests that she should instead try to get Teshub to confront him as soon as possible, as he will only continue to grow more dangerous.485 In the next surviving passage, Teshub tells Tašmišu to prepare the bulls Šerišu and Tilla and a chariot, and apparently a confrontation between him and Ullikummi occurs.486 The weather god loses it.487 Other gods, including Aštabi, attempt to fight Ullikummi, but he continues to grow and eventually blocks the gates of Kumme, trapping Teshub's wife Ḫepat inside, unable to find out what happened to him.488 She worries that Teshub might have died in the battle, and sends her messenger Takiti to find out what happened, but the rest of the passage is missing and when the text resumes after a lacuna, Tašmišu arrives near her dwelling to reassure her that Teshub is alive, which almost makes her fall down from the roof.489 He then returns to Teshub's temporary dwelling, and suggests to him that they need to meet with Ea in “Apzuwa”.490 After arriving in Ea's house both of them bow down, though he is apparently angered by Teshub's presence.491 In a series of fragmentary passages, Ea then meets with various other deities, including Enlil, Upelluri and the primeval deities, and tells them about Ullikummi.492 With the help of the primeval deities, he recovers a copper tool which was used to separate heaven from earth, and uses it to cut Ullikummi from Upelluri after realizing this connection is the source of the former's power.493 The separation negates the invulnerability he exhibited in earlier sections of the myth.494 Ea then tells Tašmišu that Ullikummi needs to be confronted for a second time.495 He reacts with enthusiasm, and relays this information to Teshub before going with him to a place where the other gods hold an assembly.496 The rest of the surviving passages all describe the second encounter between Teshub and Ullikummi.497 The next passage has the form of a monologue:498
(...) “What can I say to you, Teshub? Keep attacking. Be of his mind. for Ea, King of Wisdom, is on your side.”
“What can I say to you, Teshub? I held [counsel?] and before my mind I lined up wisdom like (a string of) beads as follows: ‘I will go up to heaven to kingship. I will take to myself Kummiya, [the gods’] holy temples, and the kuntarra-shrines.499 I will scatter the gods down from the sky like meal.’”
Ullikummi spoke again to Teshub: “Behave like a man again [...]. Ea, King of Wisdom, stands on your side.” (...)500
It is not certain what happened next.501 The text breaks off after Ullikummi's comments,502 but the existence of another now lost tablet describing the battle between him and Teshub has been proposed.503 Presumably the weather god ultimately emerges as the victor,504 but the ultimate fate of Ullikummi remains unknown.505
Other related texts
Due to the numerous references to an alliance between Kumarbi and the personified sea in the Song of Ḫedammu and the Song of Ullikummi, it has been proposed that the Song of the Sea was another myth belonging to the same cycle.506 It was performed during a festival dedicated to Mount Hazzi.507 While due to imperfect understanding of Hurrian the plot is not fully known, most likely it focuses on a conflict between the personified sea and Teshub.508 Ian Rutherford suggests that it can be placed before Song of Ḫedammu, perhaps as the first half of the same narrative, with the sea's presumed defeat at the hands of Teshub motivating him to join forces with Kumarbi.509 As an alternative, he proposes placing it between the Song of Emergence and Song of LAMMA.510 Daniel Schwemer instead argues that the conflict between Teshub and the sea might have constituted a finale of the cycle of myths focused on him, with the victory finally confirming his status as the king of the gods once and for all.511
A text related to the Song of the Sea and similarly focused on the conflict between this being and Teshub might be KBo 26.105, argued to represent a narrative comparable to Egyptian Astarte and the Sea due to the presence of a passage in which Kumarbi urges other gods to pay tribute to the sea.512 It might be a Hittite adaptation of the same myth.513 A reference to conflict between Teshub and the sea and the defeat of the latter also occurs in the myth of Pišaiša (KUB 33.108), which additionally mentions that at some point rebellious mountain gods seemingly stole the weapon the weather god used during it.514 The conflict between Teshub and the mountains is not otherwise well attested, though as the names of Namni and Ḫazzi occur in a broken context in the Pišaiša myth, it is possible that its outcome was the subjugation of these two deities.515
It has been proposed that the myth Ea and the Beast was another composition belonging to the Kumarbi Cycle.516 It is possible that it can be considered an alternative version of the same narrative as Song of Emergence,517 or that it at least repeats information also known from this composition.518 Yet another interpretation is that it fulfilled a different function altogether, such as that of a hymn in praise of Teshub.519 Its plot focuses on prophecies about a god who will be born soon which an unidentified animal, suppalanza, reveals to Ea.520 It is presumed that he can be identified as Teshub, and that the prophecies deal with his conflict with Kumarbi and ascent to kingship.521 A reference is made to sending opponents to the underworld, a motif also attested elsewhere in Hurrian tradition.522 For example, driving the primeval deities into the underworld is also mentioned in a passage from a purification ritual (KBo 10.45 + ABoT 2.30), which also states that the weather god was responsible for establishing the tradition according to which birds, rather than cattle or sheep, were seen as an appropriate offering for them.523 The suppalanza also mentions that the god presumed to be Teshub will “draw away” a serpent, MUŠilluyanka, but there is no indication that this is a reference to an extant Hittite myth whose antagonist is also named Illuyanka.524 Said narrative (CTH 321) was connected with the traditions of the city of Nerik,525 derived from Hattian religion.526 Ian Rutherford notes that presuming the Hittite Illuyanka is meant would require assuming that a degree of cross contamination with strictly Hittite tradition occurred, and additionally points out the relevant myth does not present him as a figure connected to the rise of any weather god to power.527 He also considers it unlikely that the passage is a reference to the Song of Ḫedammu.528
The text KBo 22.87 has been argued to be a further myth belonging to the Kumarbi Cycle.529 It describes a period of time during which Eltara, one of the primeval deities, reigned as the king of the gods.530 Two of the surviving lines mention Teshub: in one, he apparently attains kingship like Eltara did, while in another a number of servants submit to him.531 Anna Maria Polvani has suggested that the myth of Eltara might have dealt with the final enthronement of Teshub as the king of the gods.532
Comparative scholarship
Parallels between the myths about Teshub's struggle for kingship and between motifs from Greek mythology have been pointed out, with his ascent to the position of the head of the pantheon compared to the history of Zeus presented in Hesiod’s Theogony.533 According to Gary Beckman these similarities are not a sign that the conflict over kingship in heaven was a narrative of Indo-European origin, but rather instead an indication that it was what he deems a “theological ‘areal feature’” known across Mesopotamia, Anatolia and the Mediterranean.534 It is also considered likely that the myth of Athena’s birth from the split skull of Zeus was patterned on Teshub's birth.535 According to Amir Gilan, derivatives of certain elements of the myths about Teshub might have reached Greece through the kingdom of Walistin, which retained aspects of earlier theology of Aleppo in the first millennium BCE, as indicated for example by inscriptions from Arsuz.536
Song of Release
Teshub is one of the main characters in the Song of Release,537 alternatively known as Epic of Freeing.538 As elsewhere in Hurrian mythology, he is portrayed as the king of the gods and as the lord of Kumme.539 The Song of Release is known from multiple fragments of bilingual editions coupling the Hurrian original with a Hittite translation, prepared by scribes from Hattusa around 1400 BCE.540 However, it is presumed that it was originally composed earlier, possibly in the sixteenth century BCE.541 The translation was most likely prepared to facilitate the learning of Hurrian language.542 The sequence of events in the myth remains uncertain, and the interpretation of its plot is a matter of scholarly debate.543 One of the only fixed points is the proem.544 It introduces the deities playing the main roles in the plot:
I will sing of Teššub, the great lord of Kummi, I will exalt the young lady Allani, the bolt of the Underworld. And with them I will tell of the young lady Išḫara, skillful in speaking, a goddess renowned for wisdom.545
The same section also introduces a man named Pizigarra, said to come from Nineveh, but his role in the story remains poorly understood546 and he is not attested in any other sources.547
The central theme of the Song of Release is the freeing of the inhabitants of the city of Igingalliš, who are kept as slaves in Ebla.548 According to Gernot Wilhelm, they are identified as enslaved prisoners of war, as opposed to people subjected to debt slavery, though in older scholarship the text was sometimes interpreted under the assumption that the latter possibility is correct.549 Similar observations have been made by Eva von Dassow, who notes that the entire population of the city is deprived of freedom, which reflects subjugation in war.550 The city of Igingalliš is also attested in historical records, and most likely was either a tributary or a dependent territory of Ebla at some point.551
In one of the fragments, Teshub asks the king of Ebla, Megi, to release the enslaved inhabitants of Igingalliš.552 He singles out a certain Purra, who has served under multiple rulers already:553
Release the sons of Igingalliš in well-being, release the captive, Purra, who has served nine kings. For Igingalliš three kings he has served, for Ebla six kings he has served, and now, for the tenth, Megi, before you he stands.554
He offers to bless the city if his wish is granted, and to destroy it in the case of denial:555
If you (pl.) decree release, For Ebla the fate is (this): you (pl.) decree release, to god-like (power) i shall exalt your weaponry. Your weaponry will beat the opponent, gloriously shall your field(s) thrive. If you (pl.) do not decree release, the fate for Ebla is (this): on the seventh day I shall come upon you.556
Like other human characters in this myth, Purra and Megi are not historical figures, and the name of the latter is derived from a title used by historical Eblaite rulers.557
Megi subsequently presents Teshub's message to the senate of the city, where a certain Zazalla, its speaker, argues against fulfilling the request.558 He sarcastically asks the king if Teshub himself lost his freedom, and states that if it was him who was in trouble, he and the senate would be ready to help him, whether it was caused by debt, sickness or any other factors, but there is no reason to do the same for people of Ignigalliš.559 Megi subsequently meets with Teshub again.560 He explains the situation to him while weeping, and purifies himself before the text breaks off.561 Due to the state of preservation of the fragments it remains unknown if Ebla was destroyed by Teshub afterwards.562 According to Eva von Dassow, despite lack of direct references it is plausible to assume that he fulfilled his threat.563 It is possible that the text served as an aetiology.564565 However, due to temporal differences it is not likely that it reflects pre-Sargonic history of the city, and the described events might instead correlate with the destruction of Middle Bronze Age Ebla, which occurred around 1600 BCE.566
Mary R. Bachvarova argues that at least some of the enslaved people of were servants of Teshub, and that Zazalla's speech is simply a description of the god's suffering in absence of proper services dedicated to him.567 She also assumes that Purra, unlike his compatriots, was instead responsible for the funerary cult of deceased rulers.568 Bachvarova's interpretation has been criticized by von Dassow, who asserts that she misinterprets Zazalla's speech to treat it as a description of Teshub's state caused by the neglect of religious duties pertaining to him, and that she incorrectly treats reverence towards the deceased as unique to Ebla and conducted by a dedicated staff.569 She instead argues Teshub intervened on behalf of the people of Igingalliš simply because gods were believed to enforce justice, and the narrative evidently portrays their enslavement as unjust.570
A poorly preserved passage apparently has the form of a dialogue between Teshub and Ishara.571 According to Alfonso Archi, her aim is to protect the city of Ebla, which reflects her long standing association with it.572 Outside of the initial invocation, this is the only surviving passage in which she appears.573
Another section of the text deals with Teshub visiting Allani in the underworld.574 Alongside Tašmišu (Šuwaliyat in the Hittite version) and the primeval deities, elsewhere consistently portrayed as his opponents he takes part in a banquet organized with her, during which she serves her guests herself.575 Both the meaning of this episode and the nature of its connection with the sections of the text focused on Ebla and slavery are not certain, and multiple interpretations have been proposed.576 Eva von Dassow assumes that it follows a declaration that Ebla is to be destroyed, and suggests Teshub might be meeting with Allani because her domain would have to accommodate many new inhabitants in the case of such an event.577 Gernot Wilhelm [de] suggests that it takes place after the destruction of Ebla, and that Teshub descends to the underworld to deal with his anger, which would reflect a motif well attested in literature of the region.578 Volkert Haas assumed that Teshub is imprisoned in the underworld.579 According to his interpretation, the weather god as a result of eating during the banquet was confined in the realm of the dead.580 However, as noted by Wilhelm, no actual reference to either the imprisonment or release of Teshub can be identified in the text.581 In her similarly critical evaluation of Haas’ proposal, von Dassow calls his interpretation of the text “incoherent” and highlights that to justify it, he attempted inserting hypothetical elements not present in the actual narrative into it, such as the motif of food from the underworld, consuming which results in imprisonment there.582 Wilhelm instead suggests that the banquet mirrors the rituals meant to enable deceased rulers to enter the underworld, with the deities inhabiting it welcoming him with similarly to how ancestors were believed to do in the case of mortals.583 Harry A. Hoffner proposes that it reflects a temporary reconciliation between heavenly and underworld gods.584
As the colophon of the surviving copy of the section describing Teshub's visit in the underworld, KBo 32.13, designates it as a part of the Song of Release, but states that it is “not finished”, it is assumed at least one more tablet must have followed.585 However, the rest of the story is not known.586
Tales about human heroes
A reference to Teshub occurs in the tale of Appu.587 According to Gary Beckman, this composition should be classified as belonging to a genre distinct from myths.588 He states that in the context of Hurro-Hittite literature the term “tale” is used to refer to narratives focused on human, rather than divine, protagonists, and which lack cosmological implications, in contrast with myths.589 The passage which mentions Teshub enumerates the names and residences of various deities, in his case Kumme; also mentioned are a sun god (Sippar), a moon god (Kuzina), Šauška (Nineveh), Nanaya (Kiššina) and Marduk (Babylon).590 Similar enumerations of deities alongside their cult centers are well attested in various genres of texts from ancient Mesopotamia and Anatolia.591
A fragment of a Hurrian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh also mentions Teshub.592 Beckman notes that while full translation and interpretation of this text is presently not possible, Teshub is seemingly “ubiquitous” in it, which can be contrasted with both the Akkadian original and the Hittite adaptation, where the respective weather deities play no significant role.593
Notes
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Archi 2009, p. 212. - Archi, Alfonso (2009). "Orality, Direct Speech and the Kumarbi Cycle". Altorientalische Forschungen. 36 (2). De Gruyter. doi:10.1524/aofo.2009.0012. ISSN 0232-8461. S2CID 162400642. https://www.academia.edu/6637130 ↩
Stol 2011, p. 64. sfn error: no target: CITEREFStol2011 (help) ↩
Wiggermann 1989, p. 120. - Wiggermann, Frans A. M. (1989). "Tišpak, his seal, and the dragon mušḫuššu". To the Euphrates and beyond: archaeological studies in honour of Maurits N. van Loon. Rotterdam Brookfield, VT: CRC Press. ISBN 978-90-6191-866-0. OCLC 20332607. https://www.academia.edu/540424 ↩
Stol 2011, p. 64. sfn error: no target: CITEREFStol2011 (help) ↩
Archi 2009, p. 212. - Archi, Alfonso (2009). "Orality, Direct Speech and the Kumarbi Cycle". Altorientalische Forschungen. 36 (2). De Gruyter. doi:10.1524/aofo.2009.0012. ISSN 0232-8461. S2CID 162400642. https://www.academia.edu/6637130 ↩
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Stol 2011, p. 64. sfn error: no target: CITEREFStol2011 (help) ↩
Schwemer 2016, p. 82. - Schwemer, Daniel (2016), "Wettergott(heiten) A. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-03-01 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#12516 ↩
Wilhelm 1989, p. 14. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301 ↩
Trémouille 2018, p. 2. - Trémouille, Marie Claude (2018), "Teshub", Teshub, The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, Wiley, pp. 1–2, doi:10.1002/9781444338386.wbeah30103, ISBN 9781405179355 https://www.academia.edu/39082947 ↩
Schwemer 2001, p. 458. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070 ↩
Wilhelm 1989, p. 50. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301 ↩
Taracha 2009, p. 120. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858. ↩
Trémouille 2018, p. 1. - Trémouille, Marie Claude (2018), "Teshub", Teshub, The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, Wiley, pp. 1–2, doi:10.1002/9781444338386.wbeah30103, ISBN 9781405179355 https://www.academia.edu/39082947 ↩
Haas 2015, p. 327. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ ↩
Schwemer 2008, p. 1. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557 ↩
Schwemer 2007, p. 130. - Schwemer, Daniel (2007). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies Part I" (PDF). Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 7 (2). Brill: 121–168. doi:10.1163/156921207783876404. ISSN 1569-2116. https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/7075/1/JANER7%3A2offprint.pdf ↩
Schwemer 2001, p. 456. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070 ↩
Schwemer 2008, p. 5. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557 ↩
Schwemer 2001, p. 461. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070 ↩
Archi 2013, p. 9. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
Schwemer 2001, p. 455. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070 ↩
Archi 2013, p. 6. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
Schwemer 2001, p. 455. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070 ↩
Schwemer 2016, p. 83. - Schwemer, Daniel (2016), "Wettergott(heiten) A. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-03-01 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#12516 ↩
Archi 2013, p. 6. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
Schwemer 2016, p. 83. - Schwemer, Daniel (2016), "Wettergott(heiten) A. Philologisch", Reallexikon der Assyriologie (in German), retrieved 2023-03-01 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#12516 ↩
Taracha 2009, p. 120. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858. ↩
Taracha argues that the replacement of Anna by a weather god in the role of the tutelary deity of Kanesh to be another example of this phenomenon.[51] /wiki/Anna_(goddess) ↩
Wilhelm 1989, p. 49. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301 ↩
Schwemer 2008, p. 3. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557 ↩
Schwemer 2001, pp. 445–446. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070 ↩
However,a variant form of Šauška’s name does appear in Sumerian theophoric names from the Ur III period, Geme-Šauša, Lu-Šauša and Ur-Šauša.[14] /wiki/Sumerian_language ↩
Archi 2013, p. 7. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
In an earlier article, Archi instead assumed Teshub initially was not the main god in the Hurrian pantheon, and only replaced Kumarbi in this role at some point as reflected by later mythology.[32] ↩
Trémouille 2018, p. 2. - Trémouille, Marie Claude (2018), "Teshub", Teshub, The Encyclopedia of Ancient History, Wiley, pp. 1–2, doi:10.1002/9781444338386.wbeah30103, ISBN 9781405179355 https://www.academia.edu/39082947 ↩
Dietz 2020, pp. 156–157. - Dietz, Albert (2020). "The Multiplicity of Ancient Near Eastern Storm Gods in the Visual Record". In Otto, Adelheid; Herles, Michael; Kaniuth, Kai (eds.). Proceedings of the 11th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume 1. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3-447-19965-0. OCLC 1153937469. https://www.academia.edu/2922646 ↩
Dietz 2020, p. 155. - Dietz, Albert (2020). "The Multiplicity of Ancient Near Eastern Storm Gods in the Visual Record". In Otto, Adelheid; Herles, Michael; Kaniuth, Kai (eds.). Proceedings of the 11th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume 1. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3-447-19965-0. OCLC 1153937469. https://www.academia.edu/2922646 ↩
Haas 2015, p. 323. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ ↩
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Taracha 2009, p. 98. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858. ↩
Herbordt 2016, p. 102. - Herbordt, Suzanne (2016), "Wettergott(heiten) C. Archäologisch. In Anatolien", Reallexikon der Assyriologie, retrieved 2023-03-01 http://publikationen.badw.de/en/rla/index#12518 ↩
However, many depictions of a weather god armed with lightning-shaped tridents are later (Neo-Hittite), and represent Luwian Tarḫunz.[60] /wiki/Neo-Hittite ↩
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Dietz 2019, pp. 193–194. - Dietz, Albert (2019). "Deity or Cult Statue? The Storm-God of Aleppo in the Visual Record of the Second Millenium BCE". In Evans, Jean M.; Rossberger, Elisa; Paoletti, Paola (eds.). Ancient Near Eastern temple inventories in the third and second millennia BCE: integrating archaeological, textual, and visual sources: proceedings of a conference held at the LMU Centre for Advanced Studies, November 14-15, 2016. Gladbeck: Pewe-Verlag. pp. 189–206. ISBN 978-3-935012-36-2. OCLC 1114109006. https://www.academia.edu/39755153 ↩
Dietz 2019, p. 195. - Dietz, Albert (2019). "Deity or Cult Statue? The Storm-God of Aleppo in the Visual Record of the Second Millenium BCE". In Evans, Jean M.; Rossberger, Elisa; Paoletti, Paola (eds.). Ancient Near Eastern temple inventories in the third and second millennia BCE: integrating archaeological, textual, and visual sources: proceedings of a conference held at the LMU Centre for Advanced Studies, November 14-15, 2016. Gladbeck: Pewe-Verlag. pp. 189–206. ISBN 978-3-935012-36-2. OCLC 1114109006. https://www.academia.edu/39755153 ↩
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Haas 2015, p. 352. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ ↩
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Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 71. - Asher-Greve, Julia M.; Westenholz, Joan G. (2013). Goddesses in Context: On Divine Powers, Roles, Relationships and Gender in Mesopotamian Textual and Visual Sources (PDF). Academic Press Fribourg. ISBN 978-3-7278-1738-0. https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/135436/1/Asher-Greve_Westenholz_2013_Goddesses_in_Context.pdf ↩
According to Alfonso Archi, the natively Hurrian deity possibly corresponding to Belat-Nagar might have instead been Nabarbi, though her name most likely originally arose independently as a derivative of the word naw, pasture.[54] /wiki/Nabarbi ↩
Taracha 2009, p. 121. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858. ↩
Archi 2013, p. 9. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
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Archi 2013, p. 2. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
Archi 2013, p. 12. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
Haas 2015, p. 384. - Haas, Volkert (2015) [1994]. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East (in German). Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-29394-6. Retrieved 2023-03-02. https://books.google.com/books?id=EOh5DwAAQBAJ ↩
Wilhelm 1989, p. 55. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301 ↩
Schwemer 2008, p. 5. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557 ↩
Archi 2013, p. 6. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
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Wilhelm 1989, pp. 50–51. - Wilhelm, Gernot (1989). The Hurrians. Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips. ISBN 978-0-85668-442-5. OCLC 21036268. https://opus.bibliothek.uni-wuerzburg.de/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/authorsearch/author/Gernot+Wilhelm/start/45/rows/10/docId/7301 ↩
Archi 2013, p. p=12-13. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
Taracha 2009, p. 119. - Taracha, Piotr (2009). Religions of Second Millennium Anatolia. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie. Vol. 27. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. ISBN 978-3447058858. ↩
Archi 2013, p. 12. - Archi, Alfonso (2013). "The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background". In Collins, B. J.; Michalowski, P. (eds.). Beyond Hatti: a tribute to Gary Beckman. Atlanta: Lockwood Press. ISBN 978-1-937040-11-6. OCLC 882106763. https://www.academia.edu/7003610 ↩
The term Hana originally referred to partially nomadic inhabitants of the Middle Euphrates area[88] /wiki/Nomad ↩
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Schwemer 2001, p. 460. - Schwemer, Daniel (2001). Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (in German). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ISBN 978-3-447-04456-1. OCLC 48145544. https://www.academia.edu/16999070 ↩
Schwemer 2008, p. 6. - Schwemer, Daniel (2008). "The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies: Part II". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions. 8 (1). Brill: 1–44. doi:10.1163/156921208786182428. ISSN 1569-2116. https://www.academia.edu/14077557 ↩
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According to Alfonso Archi they are described as the “gods of the father”, a term collectively referring to the ancestors of a given deity.[99] ↩
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While Ishkur is attested earlier than Adad in Mesopotamian sources, with the oldest attestations going back to Early Dynastic texts from Adab and Lagash, Adad became the more commonly used name of the weather god in Mesopotamia in the Ur III period.[103] /wiki/Early_Dynastic_Period_(Mesopotamia) ↩
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”Subartu” and its derivatives were terms used by Mesopotamians to refer to Hurrians.[106] ↩
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Both of these cognate theonyms, while etymologically Indo-European, are not cognates of any other Indo-European weather god names, and instead were most likely meant to mirror the name of the Hattian weather god Taru.[129] /wiki/Indo-European_languages ↩
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As of 2012, no excavations were ever performed in the proximity of this settlement.[148] ↩
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Originally Kili-Teshub; Shattiwaza was a regnal name.[187] /wiki/Regnal_name ↩
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The weather god worshipped in Uda was associated with Pitteryariga, while a link between the weather god from Ḫurma and weather god of Zippalanda is uncertain.[101] /wiki/Weather_god_of_Zippalanda ↩
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However, it has also been argued that the second figure is a secondary weather god linked to a city the name of which is not preserved.[229] ↩
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However, western Luwian communities in Arzawa and Lukka were not influenced by Hurrian religion.[233] /wiki/Arzawa ↩
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According to Volkert Haas, this word is instead a Hurrian term referring to Teshub’s palace in heaven.[322] ↩
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