Though the Bible and other Hebrew texts describe the destruction of the Assyrian Empire, they do not actually claim that the Assyrian people were destroyed or replaced. The 2nd century BC apocryphal Book of Judith states that the Neo-Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II (r. 605–562 BC) "ruled over the Assyrians in the great city of Nineveh", the Book of Ezra refers to the Persian king Darius I as "king of Assyria", and the Book of Isaiah states that there will come a day when God will proclaim "Blessed be Egypt my people, and Assyria the work of my hands, and Israel my heritage". The erroneous idea of complete Assyrian annihilation, despite increasing evidence to the contrary, proved to be enduring in western academia. As late as 1925, the Assyriologist Sidney Smith wrote that "The disappearance of the Assyrian people will always remain a unique and striking phenomenon in ancient history. Other, similar kingdoms and empires have indeed passed away, but the people have lived on ... No other land seems to have been sacked and pillaged so completely as was Assyria". Just a year later, Smith had completely abandoned the idea of the Assyrians having been eradicated and recognized the persistence of Assyrians through the Christian period into the present.
Modern Assyriology does not support the idea that the fall of Assyria also brought with it an eradication of the Assyrian people and their culture. Though in the past regarded as a "post-Assyrian" age, Assyriologists today consider the last period of ancient Assyrian history to be the long post-imperial period, extending from 609 BC to around AD 250 with the destruction of the semi-independent Assyrian states of Assur, Osroene, Adiabene, Beth Nuhadra and Beth Garmai by the Sassanid Empire, or to the end of Sassanid ruled Asoristan (Assyria) and the Islamic Conquest around 637 AD, and support a continuity into the present day.
Though the centuries that followed the fall of Assyria are characterized by a distinct lack of surviving sources from the region, at least in comparison to previous eras, the idea that Assyria was rendered uninhabited and desolated stems from the contrast with the richly attested Neo-Assyrian period, not from the actual extant written sources from the post-imperial period, which although reduced, remain unbroken through to the modern era.
Though the Assyrian bureaucracy and governmental institutions disappeared with Assyria's fall, Assyrian population centers and culture did not. At Dur-Katlimmu, one of the largest settlements along the Khabur river, a large Assyrian palace, dubbed the "Red House" by archaeologists, continued to be used in Neo-Babylonian times, with cuneiform records there being written by people with Assyrian names, in Assyrian style, though dated to the reigns of the early Neo-Babylonian kings. These documents mention officials with Assyrian titles and invoke the ancient Assyrian national deity Ashur. Two Neo-Babylonian texts discovered at the city of Sippar in Babylonia attest to there being royally appointed governors at both Assur and Guzana, another Assyrian site in the north. Arbela is attested as a thriving Assyrian city, but only very late in the Neo-Babylonian period, and there were attempts to revive the city of Arrapha in reign of Neriglissar (r. 560–556 BC), who returned a cult statue to the site. Harran was revitalized, with its great temple dedicated to the lunar god Sîn being rebuilt under Nabonidus whose mother was an Assyrian priestess from that city. (r. 556–539 BC). In nearby Edessa, Assyrian religious traditions also survived well into the common era.
Individuals with Assyrian names are attested at multiple sites in Assyria and Babylonia during the Neo-Babylonian Empire, including Babylon, Nippur, Uruk, Sippar, Dilbat and Borsippa. The Assyrians in Uruk apparently continued to exist as a community until the reign of the Achaemenid king Cambyses II (r. 530–522 BC) and were closely linked to a local cult dedicated to Ashur. Many individuals with clearly Assyrian names are also known from the rule of the Achaemenid Empire, sometimes in high levels of government. A prominent example is Pan-Ashur-lumur, who served as the secretary of Cambyses II. The temple dedicated to Ashur in Assur was rebuilt by local Assyrians in the reign of Cyrus the Great. Assyria was powerful enough to rebel twice against the Achaemenid Empire during the late 6th century BC, Assyrian troops provided heavy infantry and archers in the Achaemenid army, Assyrian agriculture provided a breadbasket for the empire and the Imperial Aramaic of the Assyrian Empire was continued by the Achaemenid Empire.
Surviving evidence suggests that the ancient Assyrians had a relatively open definition of what it meant to be Assyrian. Modern ideas such as a person's ethnic background, or the Roman idea of legal citizenship, do not appear to have been reflected in ancient Assyria. Although Assyrian accounts and artwork of warfare frequently describe and depict foreign enemies, they are not usually depicted with different physical features, but rather with different clothing and equipment, though this may be more related to the fact Assyria mostly had contact with other societies in Western Asia, Anatolia, East Mediterranean, North Africa and Southern Caucasus where the people were likely similar physically to the Assyrians. Assyrian accounts describe enemies as barbaric only in terms of their behaviour, as lacking correct religious practices or being uncivilised, and as doing wrongdoings against Assyria. All things considered, there does not appear to have been any well-developed concepts of ethnicity or race in ancient Assyria. What mattered for a person to be seen by others as Assyrian was mainly fulfillment of obligations (such as military service), being affiliated with the Assyrian Empire politically, and maintaining loyalty to the Assyrian king; some kings, such as Sargon II (r. 722–705 BC), explicitly encouraged assimilation and mixture of foreign cultures with that of Assyria.
Though many foreign states ruled over the Assyrian heartland in the millennia following the empire's fall, there is no evidence of any large scale influx of immigrants that replaced the original population, which instead continued to make up a significant portion of the region's people until Mongol and Timurid massacres in the late 14th century. In pre-modern ecclesiastical Syriac-language (the type of Aramaic used in Christian Mesopotamian writings) sources, the typical self-designations used is suryāyā (as well as the shortened surayā), and sometimes ʾāthorāyā ("Assyrian") and ʾārāmāyā ("Aramaic" or "Aramean"). A reluctance of the overall Christian population to adopt ʾĀthorāyā as a self-designation probably derives from Assyria's portrayal in the Bible. "Assyrian" (Āthorāyā) also continuously survived as the designation for a Christian from Mosul (ancient Nineveh) and Mesopotamia in general. It is clear from the surviving sources that ʾārāmāyā and suryāyā were not distinct and mutually exclusive identities, but rather interchangeable terms used to refer to the same people; the Syriac author Bardaisan (154–222) is for instance referred to in 4th-century Syriac translations of Eusebius's Church History as both ārāmāyā and suryāyā.
Pre-modern Syriac-language sources at times identified positively with the ancient Assyrians, with the regional population keeping the memory of Assyria alive in the local Syriac histories of the Sasanian period, drawing connections between the ancient empire and themselves. Most prominently, ancient Assyrian kings and figures long appeared in local folklore and literary tradition and claims of descent from ancient Assyrian royalty were forwarded both for figures in folklore and by actual living high-ranking members of society in northern Mesopotamia. Figures like Sargon II, Sennacherib (r. 705–681 BC), Esarhaddon (r. 681–669 BC), Ashurbanipal and Shamash-shum-ukin long figured in local folklore and literary tradition. In large part, tales from the Sasanian period and later times were invented narratives, based on ancient Assyrian history but applied to local and current landscapes. Medieval tales written in Syriac, such as that of Behnam, Sarah, and the Forty Martyrs, for instance by and large characterize Sennacherib as an archetypical pagan king assassinated as part of a family feud, whose children convert to Christianity. The appearance of Sennacherib in this story is not strange, as many Syriac sources from late antiquity and the early medieval period refer to both him and the Assyrians, usually with the goal of portraying Syriac Christians as the heirs of an Assyrian past. The story is, however, unique in portraying the Assyrian king as the father of the two martyrs. Sennacherib also appears in the Sasanian period stories of Mar Awgin, Mar Qardagh, Mar Mattai, and Mar Behnam. Although these stories often confused his figure, they likely relied upon inherited local traditions as well as the Bible for their memory of this king. Moreover, scholars such as Dorothea Weltecke and others have also shown that, in certain Syriac sources, the medieval Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate likewise portrayed the ancient Assyrians as the ancestors of the Christians in Upper Mesopotamia.
To account for the appearance of Assyrian figures like Sennacherib and Esarhaddon in these Syriac texts, scholars have argued that oral, folkloric memories of the ancient Assyrians continued in regions such as Arbela, Nineveh, and Assur. Thus, although the Assyrian state collapsed, the memories of such ancient kings loomed large in the Assyrian heartland, and ruins in the region were attributed to ancient Assyrians. In places such as Nisibis, Arbela, and Karka d-Bet Selokh, these ruins of old encouraged links between the Syriac Christians and the ancient Assyrians, causing distant antiquity and Christian martyrdom to form the basis for the developed histories of these areas. The newly Christian inhabitants of Assyria and Babylonia during the 3rd and 4th centuries were largely the same pagan population of the Assyro-Babylonian empires and were the successors of this cultural background. In keeping with this background, they developed a personal approach to their Christian faith, retaining some knowledge from their past, particularly Assyrian traditions. So when Christianity spread to Adiabene, church leaders purposely suppressed some customs continuing from Assyria's imperial period, but at the same time, they integrated memories of Assyria into their emerging stories with the goal of forging a Christian identity compatible with local traditions. According to East Syrian synodical documents, Assyria was transformed into an archdiocese, and its bishop of Adiabene centered in Arbel, bore the title "Metropolitan of the Assyrians." The archbishopric of Adiabene, in this context should be understood in its Hellenic and Parthian boundaries, which extended to the Khabur River, and not the region only between the Greater and Lesser Zab. Hence, by late antiquity, Syriac-speaking authors in Adiabene were positing that they, as Assyrians, were descended from the ancient Assyrians. A reason as to why the term "Syrian" as a self-identity is not explicitly found within these texts is possibly due to the Syrians being seen as meek people in the Sasanian regions, and thus it is unsurprising that these hagiographers sometimes avoided the term. Syriac Christians who lived within metropolitan regions of Beth Garmai, Adiabene, and Mosul of northern Mesopotamia often turned to the Assyrian past to narrate themselves as its heirs in their efforts to include themselves in the political spheres of the Sasanian empire and to present themselves as the natives of the land, descending from a distinctly Assyrian population, in contrast with their fellow Zoroastrians. Survival of references to ancient Assyria in late antique and medieval Syriac sources are common, with Fergus Millar also noting that Syriac Christians who lived in what was once ancient Assyria did not suffer a 'historical amnesia,' retaining awareness of their Assyrian origins and the history of their native region. Comparative to southern Mesopotamia, which felt no connection with Babylonian continuity, the Christians of northern Mesopotamia employed the terms Assyria and Assyrians to identify themselves and developed notions that they were connected to the Assyrians of antiquity through various tales. The hagiography of Mar Qardagh reveals the outlook of a writer who considered the nobles of Adiabene to be of a local Assyrian origin, and the story of Mor Behnam serves to assign Syriac Christians origins more deeply into antiquity, connecting them with the ancient Assyrians. The two stories, in general, seem to share many similarities. However, in a way, the legend of Behnam and Sarah seems to one-up the legend of Qardagh, as they are not considered merely the descendants of the Assyrians, but the son and daughter of the Assyrian king Sennacherib himself. What is particularly striking is that the hagiographers of both legends felt the need to include their Assyrian ancestry, when their Zoroastrian background alone would have sufficed. These Assyrian martyrs were considered by the Syriac authors of their tales to be the true children of the ancient Mesopotamians. Qardagh's hagiography and his recognition as an Assyrian plays a key role in defining the identity of the Church of the East, which, by at least the seventh century, openly professed their Assyrian heritage. Timothy I expresses this while justifying claiming a pre-eminent position for his Episcopal See by employing a polemical use of history and geography. He asserts the status of the East by focusing on its claims to antiquity, arguing it was the origin of monarchy and civilization through the biblical king Nimrod, who is associated with Akkad, Assyria, and Nineveh. These sections shed some light on the ethnicity of the Church of the East, although no particular national names are used. Timothy also focuses on its importance as an Old Testament site, through Abraham, and emphasizes that the East was the first to accept the message of Christ. For him, Mesopotamia was the natural home of Christianity, since Seleucia-Ctesiphon also stood at the crossroads of trade routes between East and West. Within Timothy's letters, an Assyrian ethnos is thus clearly portrayed.
Among West Syrians, the results of the Leiden project have argued that the Syriac Orthodox have been continuously reconstructing their past since their inception as a Christian community in hopes of legitimizing their existence as a distinct group. Before 451 AD, the Syriac Orthodox did not have the 6 features of an ethnic community as defined by Hutchinson and Smith. Syriac-speaking Miaphysites could not claim a myth of common ancestry or even features of a culture and had no proper name to express their community. But even after the Syriac Church became independent, from 451 to the middle of the seventh century, Syriac writers were primarily concerned with validating the status of Syriac Christianity. Only later on during contacts with Islam did the Syriac Christians start to question and define what their identity really was, based on cultural traditions and sources of their time. Language, which was one of the strongest features of communal identity, became very important, but only after some time. A reason why there is a great attachment to Aramaic is that it was considered by Syriac writers to be the divine language, used by Jesus on Earth. As soon as Syriac became a symbol of religious recognition that was becoming an ethnic community, it allowed Syriac Christians to turn to an ancient past in hopes of defining themselves. They reasoned that the Assyrians and Babylonians spoke Syriac, which was Aramaic, and hence they were a part of the Syrian people. This is a process of social identity construction, and one should not think of ancient fault lines here. Therefore some Syrians, including the Syriac Orthodox tradition, eventually ethnicized their confessional identity and connected themselves to the ancient ethnonym ‘Assyrian’ in their historiographical traditions. This idea started as early as Severus Sebokht, who marked astronomy as one of the cornerstones of civilization and who identified the ancient peoples of modern-day Iraq as suryāyē (Syrians) in his discourse against the Greeks. Jacob of Edessa, Severus's disciple, also stressed that the Assyrian kings, or synonymously, Chaldean kings, were the ancestors of the Syrians and that they belonged to "our tongue." Jacob also aimed to prove, according to the Greek books, that "empires arose from our people more powerful than all the empires of their times." Later on, Dionysius, inspired by Jacob's arguments, also wrote about the identity of the Syrians. He used the Old Testament to demonstrate that the Syrians were a people with a prestigious history and many kings in Damascus, Babylonia, Assyria, and Edessa. He aimed to demonstrate a continuous existence of a Syrian empire, and thus considered the Assyrians and Chaldeans as belonging to the people of the Syrians. Dionysius's conception of a Syrian identity was rooted in territory, language, and history of kingship. His arguments paved the way for other Syriac authors to form their own ethnic arguments, like Michael. Dionysius also recognized that the Syrians east of the Euphrates were termed such in a metaphorical way, and that they held the kings of Assyria, Babylon and Edessa, also believing these Syrians were Mesopotamians, distinct from those in Syria proper which was the west of the Euphrates. The sense of a Syrian identity dating back to antiquity based on language is notably expressed by Michael, who counted 194 kings for the Syrians, including the Assyrians and Babylonians within this list. For him, the Aramaic language, which was very dear to him, was the common connection between the Babylonians, Assyrians, and the various Aramean principalities. It was a tool for him to prove the historical identity of the Syrians against his opponents, who claimed the Syrians had no kings. However, this does not mean that Michael's views of the Syriac Orthodox was not ethnic. In fact, language is used to prove common descent. Michael recognized that both the Arameans and Assyrians were called Syrians, but distinguished them. The "Syrians" east of the Euphrates were called such metaphorically and were putatively descended from the Assyrians and Babylonians. Despite the prominence of Edessa, he continued to maintain that the Syrians, in the proper sense, were most specifically those west of the Euphrates who traced descent from the Arameans. Michael also explicitly offers a passage where he declares the Assyrians to be Syrians while listing the sons of Shem, which is believed to derive from an earlier lost work of a Syriac writer during the reign of Abd al-Malik, who mentioned the Assyrians and also equated them to the Syrians in his list of the sons of Shem. The Chronicle of 1234 too shares many similarities with Michael's list, the most significant being is that both Syriac witnesses equate the Assyrians to the Syrians while mentioning those people who are literate in the world. Patriarch Philoxenus I Nemrud and his cousin, the priest Nebuchadnezzar, had names that harkened back to the ancient Assyrian and Babylonian kings. These choices were certainly inspired by Michael's historical vision, which held the ancient Mesopotamians to be Syrians. The name of King Sargon is also attested in Syriac Christians from the 7th century onwards, appearing in the personal names of a priest named Sargon and another, Autel, son of Sargon. The father of John of Damascus, Sarjun Ibn Mansur, was also titled after the ancient king. Likewise with the names Nemrud and Nebuchadnezzar, these were likely attempts to link themselves with a pre-Christian Assyrian past. According to this understanding, the Seleucids were therefore also considered local Syrian kings in the ancient sense of the word. Since Alexander conquered Persia, which had previously conquered the Mesopotamian kingdoms that these authors referred to as "Syrian" kingdoms, the Seleucids were viewed as restorers of local Syrian royalty, and therefore, they were regarded as "Syrians" by Syriac authors who aimed to demonstrate their historical heritage. This explains the development of an identity based on the usage of Aramaic but marked by Greek culture. Bar Ebroyo's Chronicle also sheds some light on identity. His source, Michael, had identified both the Assyrians and Arameans as the ancestors of the Syrians, grouping them under the term "Chaldean." Bar Ebroyo removes difficulties in the identification of the old Mesopotamians and uses the term "Ancient Syrians," which included ancient speakers of Aramaic from Syria, Assyria, and Babylon. He explicitly identifies the Chaldean kings with these ancient Syrians, calling them by this term. Bar Ebroyo connected the Syriac Orthodox to the Ancient Near Eastern Empires using neutral terms like "ancient Syrians" and "our Syrians" to avoid the debate about the "true Syrians" discussed by Michael. Claims of an autonomous past for Syrians, like those made by Dionysius Telmahroyo, seem to have been accepted by Arab authors, particularly Masudi, who mentions that the kings of Nineveh and Mosul were Syrians. They had now constituted a nation, analogous to the Romans, Arabs, and Persians in his view. Both the Assyrian and Aramean pasts furnished Syriac Christians with ancestral narratives that could define them as linguistically, territorially, or theologically legible to more powerful audiences. The Aramean past offered a spatial orientation to the west in Syria, while the Assyrian past offered a link to Mesopotamia eastward. Thus, Syriac-speaking authors, both Syriac Orthodox and from the Church of the East, considered themselves not the stock of conquered peoples but of empire builders and great victors. This was a process that gradually crystallized based on available sources of their time, but by at least the 12th century, the Syriac Orthodox were aware of having a core composed of the cultural traditions of the Assyrians and Arameans.
Michael was the first writer to acknowledge community on a larger scale, counting East Syrians as part of his people. Theologically, he distinguished his community from the East Syrians, but in times of hardship, he grouped West and East Syrians all under the ethnic term "Syrian." East Syrian pre-Christian history and early Christian history were treated as the history of his own community by Michael, and he reflects a conscious group identity with East Syrians based on common name, ancestry, memories, language, regional culture, and to an extent, also a common homeland and solidarity between the two groups. Michael's predecessors also acknowledged linguistic unity and at times also shared cultural elements between both Syrian groups, but they were less pronounced ideas compared to Michael. This idea of unity with East Syrians was also expressed by Dionysius of Tel Mahre, although to a lesser extent, who became aware of a homeland and started to look for a common name. Dionysius represents the final phase of a gradual development to a common community. Various Syriac sources also indicate that East and West Syrians lived in the same regions and cities, in fact, there was also an increase in contact and shared use between the two groups literary traditions. Eliya of Nisibis used West Syrian sources, and this exchange can also be seen in various genres of Syriac literature. Bar Ebroyo, too, considered East Syrians to be of the same people as his community. He clearly indicated that anyone who speaks or spoke Aramaic belonged to his community, with his homeland also being Mesopotamia, including the region east of the Tigris. In this way, Bar Ebroyo tactically included East Syrians in his general "Syrian" terminology and even dedicated a section in his works to mentioning the patriarchs of the Church of the East.
Connections between the modern population and ancient Assyrians were further popularized in the west and academia by the British archaeologist and traveller Austen Henry Layard (1817–1894), responsible for the early excavations of several major ancient Assyrian sites, such as Nimrud. In Nineveh and its Remains (1849), Layard argued that the Christians he met in northern Mesopotamia and southeast Anatolia claimed to be "descendants of the ancient Assyrians". It is possible that Layard's knowledge of them as such derived from his partnership with the local Assyrian archaeologist Hormuzd Rassam (1826–1910).
Towards the end of the 19th century, a so-called "religious renaissance" or "awakening" took place in Urmia, Iran. Perhaps partly encouraged by Anglican, Roman Catholic and Russian Orthodox missionary efforts, the concepts of nation and nationalism were introduced to the Assyrians in Urmia, who began to revive the term ʾāthorāyā as a self-identity, and began building a national ideology more heavily based around ancient Assyria than Christianity. This was not an isolated phenomenon: Middle Eastern nationalism, probably influenced by developments in Europe, also began to be strongly expressed in other communities during this time, such as among the Armenians, Arabs, Kurds, Pontic Greeks, Maronites, Jews and Turks. This time also saw the development of Literary Urmia Aramaic, a new literary language based on the at the time spoken Neo-Aramaic dialects. Through the promotion of an identity rooted in ancient Assyria, various communities could transcend their denominational differences and unite under one national identity. Overall, the connection to the Assyrians of antiquity was certainly stimulated by ancient traditions in Syriac literature which linked the Syrians with the empires of biblical times, that of the Assyrians and Babylonians.
For communities that identify themselves as Assyrian, Assyrian continuity forms a key part of their self-identity. Many modern Assyrians are named after ancient Mesopotamian figures, such as Sargon, Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar (and indeed many Assyrian family names still link to ancient Mesopotamian names), and the modern Assyrian flag displays symbolism which is derived from ancient Assyria. From the second half of the 20th century to the present, Assyrians, particularly in the diaspora, have continued to promote Assyrian nationalism as a unifying force among their people. Some denominational groups have opposed being lumped in as "Assyrians" and as a result, they have founded counter-movements of their own; the so-called "name debate" is still a hotly discussed topic within Syriac Christian communities today, especially in the diaspora which lives outside the Assyrian homeland.
In addition to continuity in self-designation and self-perception, there continued to be important continuities between ancient and contemporary Mesopotamia in terms of religion, literary culture and settlement well after the post-imperial period.
Assyrian settlements continued to be occupied into the Christian period. The ancient capital of Nineveh, for instance, became the seat of a bishop, the Bishop of Nineveh, and a church (later converted to a mosque under Islamic rule) was built on top of the ruins of an ancient Assyrian palace. The main population center in the city gradually shifted to the opposite bank of the river, which became the city today known as Mosul; ancient Nineveh only gradually fell into ruin and eventually became open countryside. Though most of the old population centers were similarly gradually abandoned and fell into ruin some also endured. The ancient city of Arbela, today known as Erbil, has been continuously inhabited since the time of the Neo-Assyrian Empire.
Although the ancient Mesopotamian pantheon ceased to be worshipped at Assur with the city's destruction in the 3rd century AD, it persisted at other localities, despite the overwhelming conversion of the region to Christianity, for much longer; the old faith persisted at Harran until at least the 10th century and at Mardin until as late as the 18th century.
Nusardil (Feast of God) is another religious festival found across all three churches and is usually celebrated in July. Following the holy mass, members of the community throw water at each other in an act of cleansing the path of God. This tradition likely finds its origins in ancient Assyrian and Mesopotamian rituals, such as the New Year. Such festivals, among others found locally in the Assyrian community, served to adapt to Christian needs but also to recall the ancient Assyrian heritage, acting as a link to a pre-Christian past.
Because the Assyrians never imposed their language on foreign peoples whose lands they conquered outside of the Assyrian heartland, there were no mechanisms in place to stop the spread of languages other than Akkadian. Beginning with the migrations of Aramaic-speaking settlers into Assyrian territory during the Middle Assyrian period, this lack of linguistic policies facilitated the spread of the Aramaic language. As the most widely spoken and mutually understandable of the Semitic languages (the language group containing many of the languages spoken through the empire), Aramaic grew in importance throughout the Neo-Assyrian period and increasingly replaced the Akkadian language even within the Assyrian heartland itself. From the 9th century BC onwards, Aramaic became the de facto lingua franca, with Akkadian becoming relegated to a language of the political elite (i.e. governors and officials).
The widespread adoption of the language does not indicate a wholesale replacement of the original native population; the Aramaic language was used not only by settlers but also by native Assyrians, who adopted it and its alphabetic script. The Aramaic language had entered the Assyrian royal administration by the reign of Shalmaneser III (r. 859–824 BC), given that Aramaic writings are known from a palace he built in Nimrud. By the time of Tiglath-Pileser III (r. 745–727 BC), the Assyrian kings employed both Akkadian and Aramaic-language royal scribes, confirming the rise of Aramaic to a position of an official language used by the imperial administration. It is clear that Aramaic was spoken by the Assyrian royal family from at least the late 8th century BC onwards, given that Tiglath-Pileser's son Shalmaneser V (r. 727–722 BC) owned a set of lion weights inscribed with text in both Akkadian and Aramaic. A recorded drop in the number of cuneiform documents late in the reign of Ashurbanipal (r. 669–631 BC) could indicate a greater shift to Aramaic, often written on perishable materials like leather scrolls or papyrus, though it could perhaps alternatively be attributed to political instability in the empire. The denizens of Assur and other former Assyrian population centers under Parthian rule, who clearly connected themselves to ancient Assyria, wrote and spoke Aramaic.
The use of the Assyrian name by modern Assyrians has historically led to controversy and misunderstanding, not only within but also outside the Assyrian community. Discussions on the connection between the modern and ancient Assyrians have also entered into academia. In addition to support by prominent historical Assyriologists, such as Austen Henry Layard and Sidney Smith, Assyrian continuity enjoys wide support within contemporary Assyriology. Among proponents of continuity are prominent Assyriologists such as Simo Parpola, Robert D. Biggs, H. W. F. Saggs, Georges Roux, J. A. Brinkman and Mirko Novák. Historians of other fields have also supported Assyrian continuity, such as Richard Nelson Frye, Philip K. Hitti, Patricia Crone, Michael Cook, Mordechai Nisan, Aryo Makko, Helen Younansardaroud, Onver A. Cetrez, Racho Donef, Geoffrey Khan, Eden Naby, Cynthia Jean, Andreas D. Boldt, Amar Annus, and Joshua J. Mark (contributor of the World History Encyclopedia). Other scholars supporting continuity include, among others, the linguist Judah Segal, the political scientist James Jupp, the genocide researcher Hannibal Travis, alongside the political scientist and genocide researcher Adam Jones, and the geneticists Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza, Paolo Menozzi, Alberto Piazza, Mohammad Taghi Akbari, Sunder S. Papiha, Derek Frank Roberts and Dariush Farhud. Numerous scholars who themselves are of Assyrian origin, such as Efrem Yildiz, Sargon Donabed, Odisho Malko Gewargis, Edward Y. Odisho, Konstantine Matveef, Shamiran Mako, Fuat Deniz, Helen Malko, and William Piroyan, Amir Harrak, and Nicholas Al-Jeloo have also published academic works and lectures in support of Assyrian continuity.
Names clearly reminiscent of those used by Assyrians in the Neo-Assyrian Empire continued to be used at Assur throughout the post-imperial period, at least until the 3rd century AD. Some opponents to Assyrian continuity, such as David Wilmshurst, hold that ancient Assyrian names ceased being used in the Christian period and that this in turn was evidence of a lack of continuity. There is some evidence of continued use of names with explicit ancient Mesopotamian connections in the Christian period; Arabic-language records from 13th-century Rumkale for instance record a man by the name Nebuchadnezzar (rendered Bukthanaṣar in the Arabic text), a relative of a Patriarch of the Syriac Orthodox Church named Philoxenus Nemrud (also a name with ancient Assyrian connections, deriving either from Nimrud or Nimrod); both of these names are also however mentioned in the Bible. Modern Assyrian authors, such as Odisho Malko Gewargis, contend that a decrease in ancient pagan names invoking gods such as Ashur, Nabu and Sîn is hardly surprising given the Christianization of the Assyrians; similar cases of native names being increasingly replaced by Biblically derived names are also known from numerous other Christianized peoples.
Modern Assyrians consider opposition to Assyrian continuity to be offensive and associate it with other historical forms of oppression against them. Sargon Donabed, for instance, considers the use of terms such as "Chaldeans", "Syrian", "Syriacs", "Arameans", or more extremely "Arab Christians", "Kurdish Christians" and "Turkish Christians", to be harmful as they add to division and confusion in regard to identity and are "clearly reflective of modern political parlance". These views are partly attributable to the actions of the government in Ba'athist Iraq (1968–2003), which sought to counteract Assyrian demands for autonomy through refusing to recognize Assyrians as a third ethnic minority of the country, instead promoting Assyrians, "Syrians" and Chaldeans as separate peoples, and undercounted Assyrians in censuses; in 1977, it was made impossible to register as Assyrian in the national census and Assyrians were consequently forced to register as Arabs for fear of losing employment and ration cards.
Genetic testing of Assyrian populations is a relatively new field of study, but has hitherto supported continuity from Bronze and Iron Age populations and underlined the notion that Assyrians historically rarely intermarried with surrounding populations. Genetic studies conducted in 2000 and 2008 support Assyrians as genetically distinct from other groups in the Middle East, with high endogamy; this indicates that the community has historically been relatively closed owing to their religious and cultural traditions, with little intermixture with other groups.
Butts 2017, p. 605. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
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At the height of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, there were around 20 million Assyrians.[6] Settlers came from Babylonia, the Levant, among other places.[7] /wiki/Neo-Assyrian_Empire
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Edmonds, Alexander Johannes (2025). Triumph and Betrayal: Assyria’s Path to Empire, 935–745 BC. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. pp. 82–83. ISBN 9783111593821. 9783111593821
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Travis, Hannibal (2017). The Assyrian Genocide: Cultural and Political Legacies. Routledge. p. 6. ISBN 9781351980258. 9781351980258
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Debié, Muriel (2024). Alexandre le Grand en Syriaque: Le maître des lieux, des savoirs et des temps (in French). Belles Lettres. pp. 522–523. ISBN 9782251454900. Alors qu'il était associé dans la Bible (Gn 8, 10-12) à la tour de Babel et à la révolte contre Dieu, les lettrés syriaques le dotèrent d'une image positive. Sans plus mentionner le lien avec Babel, ils firent de lui le premier souverain de Babylone et plus largement le premier souverain terrestre, un souverain qui avait reçu la royauté de Dieu qui avait fait de lui un vaillant guerrier. Comme vu plus haut, selon Aphraate, la première bête que vit Daniel était les descendants de Nemrod, les fils de Cham, c'est-à-dire les Babyloniens. Les noms des cités qu'il aurait fondées selon la Genèse ont été mis à jour et adaptés au contexte de l'Antiquité tardive et remplacés par des noms locaux et familiers de cités de Mésopotamie du Nord et du Sud. Il était devenu dans la tradition syriaque un héros fondateur, acculturé du texte biblique pour constituer une mémoire du passé local mésopotamien. 9782251454900
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Haar Romeny, Bas ter; Atto, Naures; van Ginkel, Jan J.; Immerzeel, Mat; Snelders, Bas (2009). "The Formation of a Communal Identity among West Syrian Christians: Results and Conclusions of the Leiden Project" (PDF). Church History and Religious Culture. 89 (1): 27-28. https://www.syriacstudies.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/the-formation-of-communal-identity.pdf
van Ginkel, Jan J. (2008). "Aramaic Brothers or Heretics: The image of the East Syrians in the Chronography of Michael the Great (d. 1199)". The Harp. 23: 366. https://www.academia.edu/13790029/Aramaic_Brothers_or_Heretics_The_Image_of_the_East_Syrians_in_the_Chronography_of_Michael_the_Great_d_1199_
van Ginkel, Jan J. (2008). "Aramaic Brothers or Heretics: The image of the East Syrians in the Chronography of Michael the Great (d. 1199)". The Harp. 23: 366. https://www.academia.edu/13790029/Aramaic_Brothers_or_Heretics_The_Image_of_the_East_Syrians_in_the_Chronography_of_Michael_the_Great_d_1199_
Butts 2017, p. 602. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Makko 2012, p. 298. - Makko, Aryo (2012). "Discourse, Identity and Politics: A Transnational Approach to Assyrian Identity in the Twentieth Century". The Assyrian Heritage: threads of continuity and influence. Uppsala. ISSN 1654-630X. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/1654-630X
Becker 2015, p. 328. - Becker, Adam H. (2015). Revival and Awakening: American Evangelical Missionaries in Iran and the Origins of Assyrian Nationalism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0226145280. https://books.google.com/books?id=DbTtBgAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 602. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 602. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Kellogg, Sarah Bakker (2019). "Perforating Kinship: Syriac Christianity, Ethnicity, and Secular Legibility". Current Anthropology. 60 (4): 479. https://www.academia.edu/40000704/Perforating_Kinship_Syriac_Christianity_Ethnicity_and_Secular_Legibility
Butts 2017, p. 602. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 603. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Murre-van den Berg, H.L. (1998). "A Syrian Awakening. Alqosh and Urmia as Centres of Neo-Syriac Writing" (PDF). Symposium Syriacum. VII: 502–503. https://www.syriacstudies.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/NeoSyriac.pdf
Butts 2017, p. 603. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Cameron 2009, p. 7. - Cameron, Averil (2009). The Byzantines. Oxford: John Wiley and Sons. ISBN 978-1-4051-9833-2. https://books.google.com/books?id=59c6PSa5JCAC
Efstathiadou 2011, p. 191. - Efstathiadou, Anna (2011). "Representing Greekness: French and Greek Lithographs from the Greek War of Independence (1821–1827) and the Greek-Italian War (1940–1941)" (PDF). Journal of Modern Greek Studies. 29 (2): 191–218. doi:10.1353/mgs.2011.0023. S2CID 144506772. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/15136247.pdf
Morrison 2018, p. 39. - Morrison, Susannah (2018). ""A Kindred Sigh for Thee": British Responses to the Greek War for Independence". The Thetean: A Student Journal for Scholarly Historical Writing. 47 (1): 37–55. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/thetean/vol47/iss1/5
Parpola 2004, p. 11. - Parpola, Simo (2004). "National and Ethnic Identity in the Neo-Assyrian Empire and Assyrian Identity in Post-Empire Times" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 18 (2): 5–22. http://media.hujada.nu/2019/03/Parpola-identity_Article_-Final1.pdf
Butts 2017, p. 604. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 605. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 605. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 605. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 599. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Parpola 2004, p. 22. - Parpola, Simo (2004). "National and Ethnic Identity in the Neo-Assyrian Empire and Assyrian Identity in Post-Empire Times" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 18 (2): 5–22. http://media.hujada.nu/2019/03/Parpola-identity_Article_-Final1.pdf
Later "Syriac", see below
Lundgren 2023, p. 5. - Lundgren, Svante (2023). "When the Assyrian Tragedy Became Seyfo: A Study of Swedish-Assyrian Politics of Memory". Genocide Studies International. 14 (2): 95–108. doi:10.3138/GSI-2022-0002. S2CID 257178308. https://doi.org/10.3138%2FGSI-2022-0002
Donabed & Mako 2009, p. 80-81. - Donabed, Sargon; Mako, Shamiran (2009). "Ethno-cultural and Religious Identity of Syrian Orthodox Christians". Revue d'Histoire de l'Université de Balamand: 71–113. ISSN 1608-7526. https://docs.rwu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1052&context=fcas_fp
Butts 2017, p. 605. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Gaunt, Atto & Barthoma 2017, p. ix. - Gaunt, David; Atto, Naures; Barthoma, Soner O. (2017). Let Them Not Return: Sayfo – The Genocide Against the Assyrian, Syriac, and Chaldean Christians in the Ottoman Empire. New York: Berghahn. ISBN 978-1785334986. https://books.google.com/books?id=F9E9DQAAQBAJ
Petrosian 2006, pp. 143–144. - Petrosian, Vahram (2006). "Assyrians in Iraq". Iran and the Caucasus. 10 (1): 138. doi:10.1163/157338406777979322. S2CID 154905506. https://doi.org/10.1163%2F157338406777979322
Salem 2020. - Salem, Chris (24 December 2020). "A Name Chaldeans Forgot: Assyria". Medium. Retrieved 6 January 2022. https://medium.com/@chrissalem/a-name-chaldeans-forgot-assyria-bea23450fa40
Payne 2012, p. 208. - Payne, Richard (2012). "Avoiding Ethnicity: Uses of the Ancient Past in Late Sasanian Northern Mesopotamia". In Pohl, Walter; Gantner, Clemens; Payne, Richard (eds.). Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World: The West, Byzantium and the Islamic World, 300–1100. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-1409427094. https://books.google.com/books?id=KteqCwAAQBAJ
Reade 2018, p. 286. - Reade, Julian Edgeworth (2018). "Nineveh Rediscovered". In Brereton, Gareth (ed.). I am Ashurbanipal, king of the World, king of Assyria. London: Thames & Hudson. ISBN 978-0-500-48039-7.
Trolle Larsen 2017, p. 584. - Trolle Larsen, Mogens (2017). "The Archaeological Exploration of Assyria". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Parpola 2004, p. 21. - Parpola, Simo (2004). "National and Ethnic Identity in the Neo-Assyrian Empire and Assyrian Identity in Post-Empire Times" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 18 (2): 5–22. http://media.hujada.nu/2019/03/Parpola-identity_Article_-Final1.pdf
Malko, Helen (2019). "Heritage Wars: A Cultural Genocide in Iraq". In Bachman, Jeffrey (ed.). Cultural Genocide: Law, Politics, and Global Manifestations. Routledge. p. 216. ISBN 9781351214087. 9781351214087
Malko, Helen (2019). "Heritage Wars: A Cultural Genocide in Iraq". In Bachman, Jeffrey (ed.). Cultural Genocide: Law, Politics, and Global Manifestations. Routledge. p. 216. ISBN 9781351214087. 9781351214087
Piroyan, William; Naby, Eden (1999). "FESTIVALS ix. Assyrian". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. IX/6: Festivals VIII–Fish (Online ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation. pp. 561–563. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/festivals-ix-assyrian/
Frahm 2017, p. 7. - Frahm, Eckart (2017). "Introduction". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Novák 2016, p. 132. - Novák, Mirko (2016). "Assyrians and Arameans: Modes of Cohabitation and Acculuration at Guzana (Tell Halaf)". In Aruz, Joan; Seymour, Michael (eds.). Assyria to Iberia: Art and Culture in the Iron Age. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. ISBN 978-1588396068. https://books.google.com/books?id=WBrfDQAAQBAJ
Luukko & Van Buylaere 2017, p. 318. - Luukko, Mikko; Van Buylaere, Greta (2017). "Languages and Writing Systems in Assyria". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Radner 2021, p. 147. - Radner, Karen (2021). "Diglossia and the Neo-Assyrian Empire's Akkadian and Aramaic Text Production". In Jonker, Louis C.; Berlejung, Angelika & Cornelius, Izak (eds.). Multilingualism in Ancient Contexts: Perspectives from Ancient Near Eastern and Early Christian Contexts. Stellenbosch: African Sun Media. ISBN 978-1991201164.
Frahm 2017b, p. 180. - Frahm, Eckart (2017). "The Neo-Assyrian Period (ca. 1000–609 BCE)". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Radner 2021, p. 149. - Radner, Karen (2021). "Diglossia and the Neo-Assyrian Empire's Akkadian and Aramaic Text Production". In Jonker, Louis C.; Berlejung, Angelika & Cornelius, Izak (eds.). Multilingualism in Ancient Contexts: Perspectives from Ancient Near Eastern and Early Christian Contexts. Stellenbosch: African Sun Media. ISBN 978-1991201164.
Luukko & Van Buylaere 2017, p. 318. - Luukko, Mikko; Van Buylaere, Greta (2017). "Languages and Writing Systems in Assyria". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Frahm 2017, p. 7. - Frahm, Eckart (2017). "Introduction". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Radner 2021, p. 149. - Radner, Karen (2021). "Diglossia and the Neo-Assyrian Empire's Akkadian and Aramaic Text Production". In Jonker, Louis C.; Berlejung, Angelika & Cornelius, Izak (eds.). Multilingualism in Ancient Contexts: Perspectives from Ancient Near Eastern and Early Christian Contexts. Stellenbosch: African Sun Media. ISBN 978-1991201164.
Radner 2021, p. 149. - Radner, Karen (2021). "Diglossia and the Neo-Assyrian Empire's Akkadian and Aramaic Text Production". In Jonker, Louis C.; Berlejung, Angelika & Cornelius, Izak (eds.). Multilingualism in Ancient Contexts: Perspectives from Ancient Near Eastern and Early Christian Contexts. Stellenbosch: African Sun Media. ISBN 978-1991201164.
Luukko & Van Buylaere 2017, p. 319. - Luukko, Mikko; Van Buylaere, Greta (2017). "Languages and Writing Systems in Assyria". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Luukko & Van Buylaere 2017, p. 319. - Luukko, Mikko; Van Buylaere, Greta (2017). "Languages and Writing Systems in Assyria". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Luukko & Van Buylaere 2017, p. 318. - Luukko, Mikko; Van Buylaere, Greta (2017). "Languages and Writing Systems in Assyria". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Frahm 2017b, p. 190. - Frahm, Eckart (2017). "The Neo-Assyrian Period (ca. 1000–609 BCE)". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Reade 1998, p. 71. - Reade, Julian E. (1998). "Greco-Parthian Nineveh". Iraq. 60: 65–83. doi:10.2307/4200453. JSTOR 4200453. S2CID 191474172. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4200453
Luukko & Van Buylaere 2017, p. 314. - Luukko, Mikko; Van Buylaere, Greta (2017). "Languages and Writing Systems in Assyria". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Abraham & Sokoloff 2011, pp. 22, 59. - Abraham, Kathleen; Sokoloff, Michael (2011). "Aramaic Loanwords in Akkadian – A Reassessment of the Proposals". Archiv für Orientforschung. 52: 22–76. JSTOR 24595102. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24595102
Kaufman 1974, p. 164. - Kaufman, Stephen A. (1974). The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic. The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago Assyriological Studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-62281-9. https://oi.uchicago.edu/research/publications/as/19-akkadian-influences-aramaic
Abraham & Sokoloff 2011, p. 59. - Abraham, Kathleen; Sokoloff, Michael (2011). "Aramaic Loanwords in Akkadian – A Reassessment of the Proposals". Archiv für Orientforschung. 52: 22–76. JSTOR 24595102. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24595102
Gai, Amikam (2016). "Modern Syriac and Akkadian – Each Language in the Looking-Glass of the Other". Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. 106 (1): 51. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26449340
Butts 2017, p. 599. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 599. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Butts 2017, p. 602. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Smith 1926, p. 69. - Smith, Sidney (1926). "Notes on "The Assyrian Tree"". Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, University of London. 4 (1): 69–76. doi:10.1017/S0041977X00102599. JSTOR 607403. S2CID 178173677. https://www.jstor.org/stable/607403
Butts 2017, p. 599. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Parpola 2004, p. 5–22. - Parpola, Simo (2004). "National and Ethnic Identity in the Neo-Assyrian Empire and Assyrian Identity in Post-Empire Times" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 18 (2): 5–22. http://media.hujada.nu/2019/03/Parpola-identity_Article_-Final1.pdf
Biggs 2005, p. 10: "Especially in view of the very early establishment of Christianity in Assyria and its continuity to the present and the continuity of the population, I think there is every likelihood that ancient Assyrians are among the ancestors of modern Assyrians of the area". - Biggs, Robert D. (2005). "My Career in Assyriology and Near Eastern Archaeology" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 19 (1): 1–23. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 February 2008. https://web.archive.org/web/20080227130515/http://www.jaas.org/edocs/v19n1/Biggs-Biography-final.pdf
Saggs 1984, p. 290: "The destruction of the Assyrian Empire did not wipe out its population. They were predominantly peasant farmers, and since Assyria contains some of the best wheat land in the Near East, descendants of the Assyrian peasants would, as opportunity permitted, build new villages over the old cities and carried on with agricultural life, remembering traditions of the former cities. After seven or eight centuries and after various vicissitudes, these people became Christians. These Christians, and the Jewish communities scattered amongst them, not only kept alive the memory of their Assyrian predecessors but also combined them with traditions from the Bible". - Saggs, Henry W. F. (1984). The Might That Was Assyria. London: Sidgwick & Jackson. ISBN 9780312035112. https://books.google.com/books?id=8MNJGwAACAAJ
Roux 1992, pp. 276–277, 419–420. - Roux, Georges (1992). Ancient Iraq. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0140125238.
Assyrian Academic Society: Summary of the Lecture "There is no reason to believe that there would be no racial or cultural continuity in Assyria since there is no evidence that the population of Assyria was removed". https://web.archive.org/web/20010121100900/http://aas.net/brinkman.htm
Novák 2016, p. 132. - Novák, Mirko (2016). "Assyrians and Arameans: Modes of Cohabitation and Acculuration at Guzana (Tell Halaf)". In Aruz, Joan; Seymour, Michael (eds.). Assyria to Iberia: Art and Culture in the Iron Age. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. ISBN 978-1588396068. https://books.google.com/books?id=WBrfDQAAQBAJ
Novák, Mirko; Younansardaroud, Helen (2002). "Mār Behnām, Sohn des Sanherib von Nimrūd". Altorientalische Forschungen (in German). 29 (1): 166–167. https://www.academia.edu/8235034/Mār_Behnām_Sohn_des_Sanherib_von_Nimrūd_Tradition_und_Rezeption_assyrischer_Gestalten_im_irāqischen_Christentum_und_die_Frage_nach_dem_Fortleben_der_Assyrer
Frye 1999, pp. 69–70. - Frye, Richard N. (1999). "Reply to John Joseph" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 13 (1): 69–70. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 July 2020. https://web.archive.org/web/20200711213743/http://www.jaas.org/edocs/v13n1/frye.pdf
Hitti 1951, p. 519. - Hitti, Philip K. (1951). History of Syria: Including Lebanon and Palestine. London: MacMillan. OCLC 5510718. https://archive.org/details/HistoryOfSyria-PhilipK.Hitti/
Crone & Cook 1977, p. 55. - Crone, Patricia; Cook, Michael A. (1977). Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521211338. https://books.google.com/books?id=Ta08AAAAIAAJ
Crone & Cook 1977, p. 55. - Crone, Patricia; Cook, Michael A. (1977). Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521211338. https://books.google.com/books?id=Ta08AAAAIAAJ
Nisan 2002, p. 181. - Nisan, Mordechai (2002). Minorities in the Middle East: A History of Struggle and Self-Expression (2nd ed.). Jefferson: McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-1375-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=9UmnCgAAQBAJ
Makko 2012, p. 297-317. - Makko, Aryo (2012). "Discourse, Identity and Politics: A Transnational Approach to Assyrian Identity in the Twentieth Century". The Assyrian Heritage: threads of continuity and influence. Uppsala. ISSN 1654-630X. https://search.worldcat.org/issn/1654-630X
Novák, Mirko; Younansardaroud, Helen (2002). "Mār Behnām, Sohn des Sanherib von Nimrūd". Altorientalische Forschungen (in German). 29 (1): 166–167. https://www.academia.edu/8235034/Mār_Behnām_Sohn_des_Sanherib_von_Nimrūd_Tradition_und_Rezeption_assyrischer_Gestalten_im_irāqischen_Christentum_und_die_Frage_nach_dem_Fortleben_der_Assyrer
Cetrez, Onver. A (2012). "Assyrian Identification as a Body of Power Politics: A Practice-Oriented Analysis". In Donabed, Sargon; Makko, Aryo; Cetrez, Onver A. (eds.). Assyrian Heritage: Threads of Continuity And Influence. Uppsala Universitet. p. 221. ISBN 9789155483036. 9789155483036
Donef, Racho (2012). Assyrians Post-Nineveh: Identity, Fragmentation, Conflict and Survival. Tatavla Publishing. ISBN 9780987423900. 9780987423900
Khan, Geoffrey (2012). "The Language of the Modern Assyrians: The North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic dialect group". In Donabed, Sargon; Makko, Aryo; Cetrez, Onver A. (eds.). The Assyrian Heritage: Threads of Continuity and Influence. Uppsala Universitet. p. 178. ISBN 9789155483036. 9789155483036
Piroyan, William; Naby, Eden (1999). "FESTIVALS ix. Assyrian". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. IX/6: Festivals VIII–Fish (Online ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation. pp. 561–563. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/festivals-ix-assyrian/
Jean 2012, p. 167: "The Christians of Mesopotamia, newly converted during the third and fourth centuries are, roughly speaking, the same population as the pagans of the Assyrian and Babylonian empires. They are the heirs of an ancient way of thinking and of local social and cultural systems. They developed a specific approach to their new faith, which could not be completely conflicting with their background." - Jean, Cynthia (2012). "Exorcism and the founding figures of Early Eastern Christianity". In Donabed, Sargon; Makko, Aryo; Cetrez, Onver A. (eds.). The Assyrian Heritage: Threads of Continuity and Influence. Uppsala Universitet. pp. 164–165. ISBN 9789155483036.
Boldt, Andreas D. (2017). Historical Mechanisms: An Experimental Approach to Applying Scientific Theories to the Study of History. Taylor & Francis. p. 154. ISBN 978-1-351-81648-9 /wiki/ISBN_(identifier)
Annus, Amar (2002). "Continuity of Mesopotamian Traditions in Late Antiquity". The God Ninurta: In the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia. Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project. pp. 187–202. ISBN 9789514590573. 9789514590573
Mark 2018, "there are still Assyrians living in the regions of Iran and northern Iraq, and elsewhere, in the present day". - Mark, Joshua J. (2018). "Assyria". World History Encyclopedia. Retrieved 27 February 2022. https://www.worldhistory.org/assyria/
Segal 1970, pp. 47, 51, 68–70. - Segal, Judah B. (1970). Edessa: The Blessed City. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-821545-5. https://books.google.com/books?id=LziFAAAAIAAJ
Jupp 2001, p. 174: "The Assyrians are the descendants of the once mighty Assyrian nation which inhabited the northern part of the country known as Iraq", "The Assyrians, who were Christians, managed to survive in the lands of their forefathers until the outbreak of the First World War". - Jupp, James (2001). Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the Nation, its People and their Origins. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-80789-1. https://books.google.com/books?id=wgoFxfSTfYAC
Travis 2010, pp. 148–151. - Travis, Hannibal (2010). Genocide in the Middle East: The Ottoman Empire, Iraq, and Sudan. Durham: Carolina Academic Press. ISBN 978-1594604362. https://books.google.com/books?id=kd8lAQAAMAAJ
Travis 2010, p. 148: "Although some authors doubt that Assyrian people could have survived from 600 BCE to the nineteenth century, many of the factors that justify recognizing Armenians, Jews, or other groups as continuously existing since ancient times also apply to the Assyrians, namely common patterns of worship, consistent self-identification, and genetic continuity". - Travis, Hannibal (2010). Genocide in the Middle East: The Ottoman Empire, Iraq, and Sudan. Durham: Carolina Academic Press. ISBN 978-1594604362. https://books.google.com/books?id=kd8lAQAAMAAJ
Jones, Adam (2023). Genocide: A Comprehensive Introduction (4th ed.). Routledge. p. 209. ISBN 9781032028101. 9781032028101
Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1994, p. 218: "They are Christian and are possibly bona fide descendants of their ancient namesakes". - Cavalli-Sforza, Luigi Luca; Menozzi, Paolo & Piazza, Alberto (1994). The History and Geography of Human Genes. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-08750-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=FrwNcwKaUKoC
Akbari et al. 1986, p. 85: "The Assyrians are a group of Christians, also known as Nestorians, with a long history in the Middle East. From historical and archaeological evidence, it is thought that their ancestors formed part of the Mesopotamian civilization". - Akbari, Mohammad Taghi; Papiha, Sunder S.; Roberts, Derek Frank; Farhud, Dariush (1986). "Genetic differentiation among Iranian Christian communities". American Journal of Human Genetics. 38 (1): 84–98. PMC 1684716. PMID 3456196. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1684716
Yildiz 1999, p. 16-19. - Yildiz, Efrem (1999). "The Assyrians: A Historical and Current Reality". Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 13 (1): 15–30. https://www.academia.edu/22095031
Donabed 2019, p. 118. - Donabed, Sargon (2019). "Persistent Perseverance: A Trajectory of Assyrian History in the Modern Age". In Rowe, Paul S. (ed.). Routledge Handbook of Minorities in the Middle East. London. ISBN 978-1138649040. https://books.google.com/books?id=taxvDwAAQBAJ
Gewargis 2002, p. 89. - Gewargis, Odisho Malko (2002). "We Are Assyrians" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 16 (1): 77–95. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 April 2003. https://web.archive.org/web/20030421141243/http://www.jaas.org/edocs/v16n1/WeAreAssyrians.pdf
Odisho, Edward Y. (1988). The Sound System of Modern Assyrian (Neo-Aramaic). Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. pp. 3–18. ISBN 9783447027441. 9783447027441
Odisho, Edward Y. (2009). Linguistic and Cultural Studies in Aramaic and Arabic. Gorgias Press. p. 3. ISBN 9781607245865. 9781607245865
Donabed, Sargon; Mako, Shamiran (2012). "Between Denial and Existence: Situating Assyrians within the Discourse on Cultural Genocide". Assyrian Heritage: Threads of Continuity And Influence. Uppsala Universitet. p. 284. ISBN 9789155483036. 9789155483036
Deniz, Fuat (1999). Upprätthållande och transformation av etnisk identitet i förhållande till moderniseringsprocesser: det assyriska exemplet [Maintenance and Transformation of Ethnic Identity: the Assyrian case]. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. ISBN 9162837591. 9162837591
Malko, Helen (2019). "Heritage Wars: A Cultural Genocide in Iraq". In Bachman, Jeffrey (ed.). Cultural Genocide: Law, Politics, and Global Manifestations. Routledge. p. 216. ISBN 9781351214087. 9781351214087
Piroyan, William; Naby, Eden (1999). "FESTIVALS ix. Assyrian". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. IX/6: Festivals VIII–Fish (Online ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation. pp. 561–563. https://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/festivals-ix-assyrian/
Harrak, Amir (10 July 2019). "Assyrians Of The 12th Century AD by Professor Amir Harrak". Assyria TV.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link) https://www.assyriatv.org/2019/07/assyrians-of-the-12th-century-ad-by-professor-amir-harrak/
Al-Jeloo, Nicholas (26 September 2016). Assyrian Continuity Post-Empire: The Relevance of Preserving Assyrian History and Heritage – via YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OREwtPltqVI
Yildiz 1999, p. 16-19. - Yildiz, Efrem (1999). "The Assyrians: A Historical and Current Reality". Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 13 (1): 15–30. https://www.academia.edu/22095031
Donabed 2019, p. 118. - Donabed, Sargon (2019). "Persistent Perseverance: A Trajectory of Assyrian History in the Modern Age". In Rowe, Paul S. (ed.). Routledge Handbook of Minorities in the Middle East. London. ISBN 978-1138649040. https://books.google.com/books?id=taxvDwAAQBAJ
Gewargis 2002, p. 89. - Gewargis, Odisho Malko (2002). "We Are Assyrians" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 16 (1): 77–95. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 April 2003. https://web.archive.org/web/20030421141243/http://www.jaas.org/edocs/v16n1/WeAreAssyrians.pdf
Butts 2017, p. 599. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Wilmshurst 2011, pp. 413–416. - Wilmshurst, David (2011). The martyred Church: A History of the Church of the East. London: East & West Publishing Limited. ISBN 9781907318047. https://books.google.com/books?id=zfxNtwAACAAJ
Becker 2008, p. 396. - Becker, Adam H. (2008). "The Ancient Near East in the Late Antique Near East: Syriac Christian Appropriation of the Biblical East". Antiquity in Antiquity: Jewish and Christian Pasts in the Greco-Roman World. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. pp. 394–415. ISBN 9783161494116. https://books.google.com/books?id=oD2vKMCu_JgC&pg=PA394
Radner 2015, p. 7. - Radner, Karen (2015). Ancient Assyria: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0198715900.
Butts 2017, p. 602. - Butts, Aaron Michael (2017). "Assyrian Christians". In E. Frahm (ed.). A Companion to Assyria. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1118325247. https://books.google.com/books?id=nhsmDwAAQBAJ
Travis, Hannibal (2012). "On the Existence of National Identity Before 'Imagined Communities': The Example of the Assyrians of Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Persia". In Donabed, Sargon; Makko, Aryo; Cetrez, Onver A. (eds.). Assyrian Heritage: Threads of Continuity And Influence. Uppsala Universitet. p. 118. ISBN 9789155483036. 9789155483036
Payne 2012, p. 208. - Payne, Richard (2012). "Avoiding Ethnicity: Uses of the Ancient Past in Late Sasanian Northern Mesopotamia". In Pohl, Walter; Gantner, Clemens; Payne, Richard (eds.). Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World: The West, Byzantium and the Islamic World, 300–1100. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-1409427094. https://books.google.com/books?id=KteqCwAAQBAJ
Sargon II was for instance due to being mentioned only once in the Bible long forgotten in western scholarship and was only accepted as a real Assyrian king within Assyriology in the 1860s.[212]
Payne 2012, p. 215. - Payne, Richard (2012). "Avoiding Ethnicity: Uses of the Ancient Past in Late Sasanian Northern Mesopotamia". In Pohl, Walter; Gantner, Clemens; Payne, Richard (eds.). Visions of Community in the Post-Roman World: The West, Byzantium and the Islamic World, 300–1100. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-1409427094. https://books.google.com/books?id=KteqCwAAQBAJ
Livingstone 2009, p. 154. - Livingstone, Alasdair (2009). "Remembrance at Assur: The Case of the dated Aramaic memorials". Studia Orientalia Electronica. 106: 151–157. https://journal.fi/store/article/view/52458
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Jackson 2020, Chapter 1. - Jackson, Cailah (2020). Islamic Manuscripts of Late Medieval Rum, 1270s-1370s: Production, Patronage and the Arts of the Book. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-1474451505. https://books.google.com/books?id=LngxEAAAQBAJ
Gewargis 2002, p. 89. - Gewargis, Odisho Malko (2002). "We Are Assyrians" (PDF). Journal of Assyrian Academic Studies. 16 (1): 77–95. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 April 2003. https://web.archive.org/web/20030421141243/http://www.jaas.org/edocs/v16n1/WeAreAssyrians.pdf
Donabed 2012, p. 412. - Donabed, Sargon (2012). "Rethinking Nationalism and an Appellative Conundrum: Historiography and Politics in Iraq". National Identities. 14 (4): 407–431. doi:10.1080/14608944.2012.733208. S2CID 145265726. https://doi.org/10.1080%2F14608944.2012.733208
Naby 2006, pp. 527–528. - Naby, Eden (2006). "Assyrian Nationalism in Iraq: Survival under Religious and Ethnic Threat". In Burszta, Wojciech J.; Kamusella, Tomasz & Wojchiechowski, Sebastian (eds.). Nationalisms Across the Globe: An Overview of Nationalisms in State-Endowed and Statless Nations, Volume II: the World. Bygoszcz: School of Humanities and Journalism. ISBN 83-87653-46-2.
Travis 2010, p. 149. - Travis, Hannibal (2010). Genocide in the Middle East: The Ottoman Empire, Iraq, and Sudan. Durham: Carolina Academic Press. ISBN 978-1594604362. https://books.google.com/books?id=kd8lAQAAMAAJ
Banoei et al. 2008, p. 79. - Banoei, Mohammad Mehdi; Chaleshtori, Morteza Hashemzadeh; Sanati, Mohammad Hossein; Shariati, Parvin; Houshmand, Massoud; Majidizadeh, Tayebeh; Soltani, Niloofar Jahangir; Golalipour, Massoud (2008). "Variation ofDAT1 VNTR Alleles and Genotypes Among Old Ethnic Groups in Mesopotamia to the Oxus Region". Human Biology. 80 (1): 73–81. doi:10.3378/1534-6617(2008)80[73:VODVAA]2.0.CO;2. JSTOR 41465951. PMID 18505046. S2CID 10417591. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41465951